Full text of DOI:10.1177/104973202129120115

QFiUnfAgeLlIdT,ALTeIwViEs /HESEACLUTHRIRNEGSESOALRICDHG/RMOUayN2D002
Self-Resolution of Alcohol Problems in Young
Adulthood: A Process of Securing Solid Ground
Deborah L. Finfgeld
Lisa M. Lewis
Quantitative research findings suggest that young adults resolve alcohol problems without
participating in support groups or formal treatment programs. However, researchers have
failedto fully explain the self-resolution process among this age group. Thus, the authors
usedgroundedtheory to better explicate why andhow young adults self-resolve alcohol
problems. The findings suggest that self-resolving alcohol problems in young adulthood
involves a temporal process of seeking andsecuring solidground. This process is precipitated
by situations in which individuals experience precarious footing and eventually begin to lose
their balance. These culminating events leadyoung adults to pursue personal visions and
find safe footing on solid ground, despite some rugged terrain along the way.
number of researchers have investigated problem drinking patterns using
quantitative methods, and their findings illustrate that many individuals
A
mature out of these problems as young adults (Bennett, McCrady, Johnson, &
Pandina, 1999; Chen & Kandel, 1995; Miller-Tutzauer, Leonard, & Windle, 1991;
Sher & Gotham, 1999). Research findings also suggest that weighty negative conse-
quences (Bennett et al., 1999) and transitional events, such as getting married,
increase the likelihood that persons will self-resolve drinking problems in early
adulthood (Miller-Tutzauer et al., 1991; Sher & Gotham, 1999). Conversely, certain
behavioral tendencies, such as high disinhibition (Bennett et al., 1999), novelty seek-
ing, and psychoticism (Sher & Gotham, 1999), are factors that might help to explain
why 25% of individuals aged 26 to 34 and 17% of persons aged 35 and older have
drinking problems (U. S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1997).
Although these findings are enlightening, they do not fully explain why and
how young adults resolve alcohol problems without seeking formal treatment or
participating in support groups. In our literature review, we turned up no qualita-
tive studies that focused on understanding the experiences of young adults from
which clinical implications could be inferred. Thus, in an effort to explicate more
thoroughly the self-resolution process among young adults, we conducted this
grounded theory investigation.
AUTHORS’NOTE: We would like to acknowledge Drs. Vicki Conn and Jane Armer for their thoughtful
reviews of this manuscript. This study was supported by funds from the Sinclair School of Nursing Small
Grant Support Program, University of Missouri Alumni Association Faculty Incentive Grant Program,
and Alpha Iota Chapter of Sigma Theta Tau.
QUALITATIVE HEALTH RESEARCH, Vol. 12 No. 5, May 2002 581-592
© 2002 Sage Publications
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METHODOLOGY
We selected grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) as the basis for this investiga-
tion because preliminary evidence indicated that self-resolution of alcohol prob-
lems in young adulthood involves a process that parallels developmental events
and evolves over time (Sher & Gotham, 1999). This project received Institutional
Review Board (IRB) approval, and we placed announcements in a free advertising
supplement that is widely distributed throughout a midsized community in central
Missouri, United States. Individuals who had resolved their problems between the
ages of 19 and 26 and had not participated in any formal treatment programs or self-
help groups were encouraged to contact the researcher by telephone.
After explaining the study on the phone, we queried potential participants to
confirm that they met the inclusion criteria as listed in the advertisement: They had
experienced problem drinking habits for at least 1 year and had resolved their prob-
lems by abstaining or staying within empirically based moderate drinking guide-
lines for a minimum of 12 months. According to Sanchez-Craig, Wilkinson, and
Davila (1995), evidence-based guidelines for moderate drinking are (a) no more
than 3 standard drinks per day and 9 per week for females and (b) no more than 4
standard drinks per day and 12 per week for males. Provided callers met these crite-
ria and continued to demonstrate interest in the study, we established a time to con-
duct an interview.
We explained the guidelines regarding participant anonymity and obtained
written informed consent from all participants. Subsequently, we conducted tape-
recorded interviews lasting between 1 and 2 hours in participants’ homes or offices,
in the principal investigator’s office, or by telephone. In the interviews, we focused
on the context and process in which alcohol problems emerged, persisted, and were
eventually self-resolved. Specifically, we asked respondents how their drinking
problems evolved and about factors that led to change, strategies used to alter and
maintain new habits, challenges experienced throughout the self-resolution pro-
cess, the role close associates played in the change process, and the outcomes of
changing.
In addition to the selection criteria already outlined, we implemented theoreti-
cal sampling procedures as the data collection process progressed. For instance,
although all respondents met the initial screening criteria, it became evident
throughout the interviews that some individuals occasionally experienced some
regressive behaviors. These interviews were included in the database, as we deter-
mined that they helped to reflect fully the progressive-regressive-progressive nature
of the self-resolution process. We also decided to sample more women than men
because their self-resolution trajectory appeared more complex. To accomplish this
theoretical sampling objective, we issued IRB-approved advertisements specifi-
cally soliciting females.
Sampling ceased when coding categories were saturated; that is, their proper-
ties were well developed, they were fully dimensionalized, and no new perspec-
tives were evident within the data. In addition, the process of self-resolution of
alcohol problems could be constructed based on the emergent interactional rela-
tionships among categories, and omissions could not be identified inductively
within the model.
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Finfgeld, Lewis / SECURING SOLID GROUND
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Raw data, including verbatim transcripts and field notes, were imported into
QSR NUD*IST 4 Software (1997) and analyzed using open, axial, and selective cod-
ing (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Data collection and analysis occurred concurrently,
and we developed memos and diagrams to assist in explicating the self-resolution
process.
FINDINGS
Five males and 7 females (N = 12) took part in this investigation. With the exception
of one person who claimed Native American and European descent, the partici-
pants were Caucasian; they ranged in age from 25 to 54 years at the time of the inter-
views. Two participants had master’s degrees, 5 held bachelor’s degrees, 4 had
attended college but had not earned a degree, and 1 was a high school graduate. On
average, participants had experienced problem-drinking habits for 7 years. Their
mean retrospective score on the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test was 25,
which is well above the recommended cut-off score of 8 (Conigrave, Hall, &
Saunders, 1995). Although alcohol misuse was the focus of this study, we discov-
ered throughout the course of the interviews that 8 of the 12 respondents had also
used or abused other drugs. In general, participants reported terminating their
drug use and self-resolving their alcohol problems simultaneously.
Securing Solid Ground: An Overview
Among the respondents in this study, self-resolving alcohol problems in young
adulthood involved a temporal process of seeking solid ground. Many respondents
described childhood and adolescent experiences in which their footing was precari-
ous and they eventually began to lose their balance. These culminating experiences
led them to pursue personal visions and find safe footing on solid ground, despite
some rugged terrain along the way. This process is detailed in the next section and
summarized in Table 1.
Precarious Footing
Many respondents described growing up in challenging situations, which had
resulted in precarious footing during crucial developmental years. Participants
commonly acknowledged substance abuse problems among members of their fam-
ilies of origin. In addition, women in particular described challenging circum-
stances during their formative years, such as multiple marriages due to divorce or
the early death of a parent, physical or sexual abuse, and teenage pregnancy. Partici-
pants frequently discussed experimenting with alcohol as children or adolescents,
and they generally found it easy to obtain. One person explained, “I would just steal
it from my parents. They had an unlocked liquor cabinet.”
In general, very early alcohol use was perceived as fun, and it was largely asso-
ciated with expressing rebellion and anger, seeking social acceptance, and/or thrill
seeking. A young man described thrill seeking in the following way: “When I was
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TABLE 1: Process of Securing Solid Ground
Precarious Footing
Loss of Footing
Seeking Solid Ground
→
→
→
Standing on Solid Ground
Challenging developmental situations
Family history of alcohol abuse
Broken homes
Abuse
Teenage pregnancy
Early alcohol use related to
Availability
Having fun, rebelliousness, anger,
social acceptance, thrill seeking
Feelings of being unloved, hopeless,
directionless
Overall potential threatened by
Risks to personal safety
Financial struggles
Work, sports, academic, and legal
problems
Alienation of others
Mental, spiritual, and physical
concerns
Explore personal potential by
Engaging in new activities
Abandoning drinking friends
Assuming responsibility
Pursuing spiritual paths
Dealing with past traumas
Thinking of own welfare as well as
that of others
Fulfillment of personal potential
Sense of physical, mental, and spiritual
well-being
Unwanted sexual experiences and
pregnancies
Assets
Sense of personal value
Problem-solving skills
Adaptive formative experiences
Personal vision
Supportive others
Rough terrain
Distressful process
Use of nonadaptive coping strategies
Lingering problems, vulnerabilities,
and intermittent regression

Finfgeld, Lewis / SECURING SOLID GROUND
585
younger, I was not necessarily in search of God, but I was in search of the fear of
God. The closer I got to being out of control, the happier I felt.”
Feeling unloved, hopeless, or directionless, and/or needing to fit in, tended to
promote or extend drinking problems. A young woman explained, “The guy I was
engaged to for 3 years broke up with me, and I had no place to fit in. So, I started run-
ning with some friends that were older than me, and they would take me to parties.”
Similarly, another respondent described how his alcohol abuse continued during a
time when he felt directionless.
It was getting late in my college career. I mean, what am I going to do? I stretched it
out for five years. I didn’t have anything to do. I didn’t see anything in my immedi-
ate options that I was interested in. So, sure, college [and partying] is a life. I thought
I’d drag it out as long as I could.
During the beginning stages of their alcohol abuse, respondents continued to
maintain their footing, albeit somewhat precariously at times. As one individual
put it, “I was functioning. I could have done better, but I was doing fine. I wasn’t in
danger of getting kicked out of school.”
Loss of Footing
Although individuals frequently talked about pivotal events that appeared to initi-
ate the self-resolution process, they also acknowledged that the decision to change
usually culminated over time. Cumulative threats to personal safety, financial
struggles, difficulties at work, inability to play sports, slipping grades, legal prob-
lems, alienation of others, and mental, spiritual, and physical concerns gradually
led to change. For instance, a female respondent described her loss of footing in the
following way:
The car accident was probably the biggest wake-up call. If I’d lost my license, I
would have lost my job, because I had to drive vehicles at work. I also had erosive
esophagitis, where your esophagus is basically eating itself up. I just didn’t want to
be unhealthy anymore—mentally or physically.
Unwanted sexual experiences, unplanned pregnancies, and a sense of wasting
valuable time also led to a loss of balance. Overall, respondents sensed their poten-
tial being threatened, and change was needed to regain their footing. As one young
man put it, “I was seeing people that I had gone to high school with—people who I
felt I could run intellectual and artistic circles around—achieving scholarships,
grants, and going away to college. . . . People [were] moving on with their lives.”
Seeking Solid Ground
To regain lost footing and find solid ground, individuals began to earnestly explore
their personal potentials. This included seriously engaging in school or volunteer
activities; preparing for or taking care of a newborn; working, writing, painting, or
playing a musical instrument; and becoming physically fit. Reciprocally, these
activities tended to fill the void that alcohol and drugs had previously occupied. As
one woman explained, “I came to school and got involved with an ethnic student
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group, and then I got involved with the Women’s Center. I was also involved with
the theater workshop and Amnesty International. I was just saturating myself.”
Finding solid ground was enhanced by abandoning drinking friends. As one
young man explained, “When she [his girlfriend] got pregnant, I all but disap-
peared from the fraternity. You know, right there I knew I had a choice to make.”
Attempts such as this one to set priorities and take responsibility were common
throughout the interviews. The following excerpt illustrates how one woman found
solid ground by assuming responsibility:
I just came to the conclusion, number one, that I had to straighten my act up to live in
the real world. That happened when I was put on academic probation. That was the
turningpoint. Whenit comes to school, it’s eitheryou do, you put out, oryou’re out.
Other individuals found solid ground by pursuing spiritual paths. One person
described his new-age spiritual experience:
I became a Reiki priest. It opened me up to a whole new level of understanding
and . . . what I wanted to become. It kind of let me branch out and understand the
world from another perspective. It gave me the structure I was really looking for.
A female respondent who searched the public library for books on spirituality
stated,
I was curious about God. Why has he done all this? Why is he making me go
through this? I mean, I lost my dad at a young age, and had such a life of holy shit.
Brought up like crap. It’s like, why? Through reading, I understood better.
Another way that female participants sought solid ground was by dealing with
past traumas. A woman who had been molested as a child by her mother’s brother
noted, “The molestation was the core of the hurt. So, I told my mom I was having
problems with that. And she was very, very loving and understood. She wanted to
help me through that.”
Throughout the interviews, it was clear that some respondents sought solid
ground for the benefit of both themselves and others. This occurred among both
males and females and was usually precipitated by an unexpected pregnancy. A
male respondent explained how he changed his drinking habits after learning that
his girlfriend was pregnant:
Areal fatherhood instinct was instilled in me. I took a lot of pride in having a daugh-
ter, and taking care of her, and providing for her, and setting an example, and things
like that. My children were really going to be a high priority.
Similarly, a female participant stated, “I had my body to take care of and my baby’s
body to take care of, and that’s just about as important as it gets to me without being
obsessive.”
Assets for seeking solidground . Despite the challenges involved in seeking solid
ground, respondents appeared to have personal assets that assisted them throughout
the process. These included supportive others, a personal vision, problem-solving
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skills, adaptive formative experiences, and a sense of personal value. The following
excerpt illustrates how valuing self tended to be an asset in the self-resolution
process.
I think the most important thing for me was really beginning to acknowledge that I
was a valid human being, and that I had thoughts and feelings and expressions that
were going to be worthwhile. I think it’s when you start to realize that you really
have something to give to the world and to yourself, then all of sudden you don’t
want to do this destructive behavior anymore, because you don’t want to shorten
your life.
In general, the greater their capacity to solve problems and organize their lives,
the easier it appeared for respondents to gain control and overcome their drinking
problems. This appeared particularly true for individuals who began drinking rela-
tively late (i.e., very late teens or early 20s), resolved their problem fairly quickly
(i.e., within 1 to 3 years), and had cultivated a nondrinking lifestyle before develop-
ing a problem. As one participant put it,
It’s kind of good that my parents were so strict, because I may not have known any
different way. They showed me that you can have fun without that kind of stuff
[alcohol] in your life. You know, we’d go camping or whatever. It was not taking a
cooler of alcohol, you know. It was taking soda and stuff like that.
Despite not having these types of positive behavior-shaping experiences as a
youth, a resourceful single mother illustrated that she had the problem-solving
skills necessary to avoid alcohol. Although her financial situation was bleak, she
procured a recreational outlet for herself and her infant in the following manner:
I went to the YMCA and asked them, if I babysat, could I have free membership?
They did that for me, if I’d baby-sit during aerobics class. It’d be nothing to see me
and the baby every weekend swimming or during the week swimming.
An important element of being able to problem solve and organize one’s life
tended to involve having a vision for oneself and embracing personal agendas. For
example, a 25-year-old respondent stated,
I stand to inherit a pretty good amount of money someday, at least enough to make
sure I will retire comfortably. I don’t want to blow that. I’d like to have a family, and
I’d like to have a family that isn’t dysfunctional.
Conversely, for individuals who lacked a vision, an unexpected pregnancy tended
to provide one. As one woman put it, “Before I got pregnant with my daughter, I
didn’t have a clue what I wanted.” Another woman stated,
When I found out I was pregnant, that really made it much easier for me to quit,
because I didn’t want to do anything to harm my child. If I hadn’t gotten pregnant, I
would have continued doing it [abusing alcohol] for a longer period of time.
Providing individuals lacked some of the aforementioned assets, supportive
significant others appeared to make up for some of these deficits. This seemed
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particularly true among males. For example, one young man, who considered him-
self a fairly disorganized and directionless follower, credited his fiancée, later his
wife, with being the key to his success. He stated,
If it wasn’t for her, I probably never would have got my act together enough to apply
to graduate school. I was just not good at sitting down and drawing out a
plan. . . . What really made the difference was her ability to find the things in me that
needed to be emphasized. You know, I needed to be directing my energies towards
something productive rather than directing my energies towards drinking and
staying put.
Paradoxical nature of assets. Although there are assets that seem to facilitate
the self-resolution process, it also appears that some of these same factors ini-
tially enable the problem to emerge and help to maintain it for a time. For example,
problem-solving skills were helpful when individuals were trying to return to
school or navigate through public assistance programs; however, as the following
interaction illustrates, this and other related assets might have delayed initiation of
the self-resolution process.
Interviewer: Do you feel in some ways that your intelligence allowed you to get as deeply
into drugs as you did because you were able to function?
Respondent: I’m sure it did. I had plenty of friends that were doing the same amount of
drugs as I was, and they weren’t even near coherent.
Another self-disciplined and resourceful individual delayed acknowledging
her drinking problem because she was always able to maintain a job. She stated, “I
thought what I was doing was very normal. I never lost a job over drinking.”
Encountering ruggedterrain. On the whole, the process of securing solid ground
was perceived as depressing, lonely, and difficult. One person simply characterized
it as “a bummer.” Another respondent talked about being depressed: “I slept a lot. I
was depressed, so, I slept a lot. I kind of figured if I sleep 12 hours, that is a whole
half a day. I only have 12 hours to deal with stuff.” Another person characterized the
process as lonely and difficult: “You become secluded because everybody remem-
bers you as being such a party animal and so much fun when you drink. It was very
difficult for me.” A woman who became a single mother and simultaneously self-
resolved her problem stated, “It’s hard as hell. I mean, we were on food stamps, and
I didn’t like that, welfare. I cried my eyes out because I tore myself away from family
and him [her partner]. I was terribly lonely.”
A number of women experimented with nonadaptive coping mechanisms to
independently resolve their drinking problems. In particular, they tended to
develop eating disorders of various kinds. One woman captured her experience in
the following words: “I turned to eating. I was very small, very small. I’d say maybe
105 pounds, and during my pregnancy, I gained 100 pounds. I did nothing but sit
around, watch TV, and eat.”
Even after resolving their problems for a time, individuals were sometimes con-
fronted with circumstances in which they felt at risk for returning to their old drink-
ing habits. This tended to be the case during periods of distress, uncertainty, and
hopelessness. For example, one respondent felt somewhat hopeless when he graduated
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Finfgeld, Lewis / SECURING SOLID GROUND
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from college. He explained, “I just got totally lost when I graduated from college. I
was staring reality in the face.”
Overall, the individuals in this study believed that their drinking problems
were either fully resolved or greatly improved. However, it was clear that several
were still grappling with various degrees and types of drug abuse tendencies and
depression. For example, a 26-year-old respondent explained during his interview,
I got the rest of my life now to just work everyday at a job I’m probably going to hate.
I mean I ain’t got nothing to look forward to. You know, what am I going to hurt if I
have a few beers? There have been times when we went camping and [I] got drunk
and stuff, but nothing like the way it used to be.
Similarly, a 37-year-old female stated, “I mean I abuse it [alcohol] occasionally,
but not nearly as frequently as I did in my mid-20s. I mean you get around new peo-
ple, and I hadn’t done that in so long, and it’s like this is fun.”
For most respondents, other drug use was extinguished as their alcohol abuse
was brought under control. In at least one instance, however, marijuana and ciga-
rette use continued. The following excerpt captures the essence of this situation:
I am still smoking pot. More than anything, it is actually an extension of cigarettes. It
calms me down a little bit more. I don’t smoke on my way to work, or I don’t smoke
at work or anything like that, but when I’m unwinding, it’s my casual drink so to
speak. I don’t know that I will ever not smoke pot. Both my parents still smoke.
Similarly, some women admitted that instead of drinking, they would now
overeat and/or overextend themselves financially. One woman described her ten-
dencies in this way:
Isn’t that terrible? I’ll shop. I know that I’m really bad about that. If I’m really, really
down it’s the same old thing, I go get something to eat and then go buy something—
go shopping, which makes us in debt.
Standing on Solid Ground
Among those individuals who had most fully resolved their alcohol abuse and
other residual problems, there was a sense that they were standing on solid ground.
Individuals expressed feelings of self-satisfaction, confidence, and optimism. One
person noted, “It’s a realization of my ability. I consider myself ahead of the curve in
a lot of aspects. I’m able to realize my full potential as a sober person.” Another per-
son stated, I feel much more empowered. I feel like I’m more in control of my own
life. I feel very strong.”
Standing on solid ground meant improvements in one’s physical, mental, and
spiritual well being. For example, a woman who was in her late 40s at the time of the
interviewtalkedabout how several dimensions of her life had improved over time.
I went from focusing on the physical body to focusing completely on the spiritual,
and emotional, and intellectual self. And then I just let the physical body go. And so
now, I’m trying to do a marriage, you know, our physical bodies are so important,
and we have to take care of it. I mean we have to treat it as if it’s precious, and so now
it’s finally coming back through with that.
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As one individual gained control of her drinking problem, she also felt she
could make a positive contribution to society. She stated, “I am doing something
with my life, and I hope I will help the next generations. I don’t think I’m quite as
selfish as I used to be.”
DISCUSSION
Conclusions
Among the respondents in this study, self-resolving alcohol problems in young
adulthood involved a temporal process of securing solid ground. Many respon-
dents described childhood and adolescent experiences in which their footing was
precarious, and they eventually began to lose their balance. Loss of footing led them
to realize that their overall potentials were threatened, and efforts to seek solid
ground ensued. This was accomplished by engaging in new activities, abandoning
drinking friends, assuming responsibility, pursuing spiritual paths, dealing with
past traumas, and thinking of their own welfare and that of others. Although para-
doxical in nature, assets such as a sense of personal value, problem-solving skills,
adaptive formative experiences, personal visions, and supportive others assisted in
the self-resolution process. Despite some rough terrain along the way, individuals
gained a sense of standing on solid ground, which involved the fulfillment of their
personal potential and a sense of physical, mental, and spiritual well being.
Clinical Implications
It appears that several factors can make individuals vulnerable to developing
drinking problems in young adulthood. Clearly, a family history of alcohol prob-
lems, having alcohol readily available, stressful childhood experiences, and feeling
unloved, hopeless, and directionless appear to precipitate alcohol abuse. Although
it is beyond the scope of this work to fully comment on these monumental familial
and societal problems, public awareness and avoidance of these circumstances has
the potential to reduce the occurrence of alcohol abuse in young adulthood.
Providing antecedents to alcohol abuse problems exist, efforts that bolster indi-
viduals’ unique strengths, encourage the formation of personal visions, and foster
the development of healthy supportive relationships can prevent the development
of additional problems. Intervention efforts such as these seem particularly well
suited to mental health care providers. However, parents, grandparents, teachers,
coaches, spiritual guides, and other adults who routinely interact with youths in
their formative years can play valuable roles in preventing or truncating alcohol
abuse problems.
From both prevention and treatment standpoints, it is interesting to note
that personal assets appear to play a role both in the development and in the self-
resolution of alcohol problems. For example, when participants felt unloved, hope-
less, or directionless, assets such as problem-solving skills appeared to make it
somewhat easier to develop and maintain excessive drinking habits. Conversely,
when individuals were constructively focused on achieving a valued personal
vision, these same assets appeared to assist them to overcome barriers and resolve
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Finfgeld, Lewis / SECURING SOLID GROUND
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their drinking problems. Thus, the complex and paradoxical nature of assets speaks
to the paramount importance of being goal-directed and to the role mental health
professionals and other influential adults in the community can play in assisting
adolescents to clarify their values, beliefs, and personal objectives.
Although all participants stated that they currently abstained or met the criteria
for moderate drinking on entering the study, it was clear that a few persons still
experienced abusive episodes. Furthermore, a number of respondents reported
using nonadaptive coping strategies and/or suffering from varying degrees of
depression. Thus, even though individuals may attest to having resolved excessive
drinking habits in young adulthood, health care providers must be aware that
underlying issues might still be unresolved and that intermittent drinking prob-
lems or other nonadaptive behaviors may persist.
When this situation occurs, it might be prudent for health care providers to con-
sider whether individuals have explored all the adaptive coping strategies outlined
by respondents in this study. For example, helping individuals deal with past trau-
mas or discussing spirituality within a holistic plan of care can help them achieve an
optimum sense of well-being. In addition, it should be noted that several respon-
dents in this study admitted to taking psychotropic medications at some point;
thus, diagnosing and treating concomitant psychopathology should be a priority.
Research Implications
Findings from this project are not widely generalizable; thus, it is important that
additional studies be carried out. This is particularly important because the self-
resolution process appears to differ between young and older adults. For example,
support from significant others, working through past traumas, developing per-
sonal visions, and resolving problems for others seem to foster the self-resolution
process among younger individuals, whereas these factors do not appear to be as
significant among older persons (Finfgeld, 1998, 1999).
Several other findings from this project should also be the focus of subsequent
studies. First, because having a clear personal vision appears to play a significant
role in the self-resolution process, identity development should be a priority area
for future exploratory and intervention studies. Second, differences between males
and females should be examined further, as men appear to benefit more from sup-
portive interpersonal relationships and to be less affected by past traumas than
women are. Third, individuals seem to supplant excessive drinking with other self-
destructive habits, and this phenomenon needs to be investigated further.
Although 5 participants in this study held bachelor’s degrees and 2 had
completed master’s degrees, it cannot be assumed that educational, and pre-
sumably other circumstantial or demographic advantages, assisted them in their
self-resolution process. Rather, it appeared that internal assets, such as adaptive
personal visions, were antecedents to self-resolving alcohol problems and earning
educational degrees. In short, circumstantial and demographic factors should be
exploredingreaterdepth to determine how theyaffectthe self-resolutionprocess.
The paradoxical nature of personal assets also requires additional examination.
For example, problem-solving skills appeared to both prolong drinking problems
and hasten their resolution. Participants also suggested that assets ranging from
innate intelligence to financial security could function in a similar manner. Thus,
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these and other complex dynamics should be explored in greater depth to better
determine how they may help to initiate, maintain, and self-resolve drinking
problems.
In summary, findings from this study add considerable texture and depth to the
quantitative findings related to self-resolution of alcohol problems among young
adults (Bennett et al., 1999; Chen & Kandel, 1995; Miller-Tutzauer et al., 1991; Sher &
Gotham, 1999). Specifically, self-resolving alcohol problems and other tangential
problems appear quite challenging for persons in this age group. Therefore, per-
haps terms such as maturing out do not do justice to the skills and fortitude needed
to overcome these difficulties independently. For this reason, perceptions of care-
free young adults “sowing their wild oats” might need to be replaced by more accu-
rate interpretations of what it is truly like to seek and secure solid ground.
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Deborah L. Finfgeld, R.N., Ph.D., AP/MHCNS, is an assistant professor at the University of Mis-
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Lisa M. Lewis, R.N., M.A., is a doctoral candidate at the University of Missouri, Sinclair School of
Nursing.
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