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FAMILY PROCESS
summon other associations for me as well. Pearl Harbor, the “first battle of the
American involvement in World War II,” was also the trigger for a definitive and
culminating expression of decades of anti-Japanese sentiment and anti-Asian racism
in the U.S. With the signing of Executive Order 9066, in the wake of Pearl Harbor,
approximately 120,000 Japanese American residents, including US citizens, in an
unprecedented abrogation of their civil rights, were ordered to leave their homes and
incarcerated, a mandatory “relocation” from the West Coast. This was justified by war
hysteria and, according to some analyses, importantly motivated by the economic
benefits of removing Japanese farm labor and farm owners from the marketplace.
Current reports of anti-Arab sentiment, verbal attacks, and vandalism of Muslim
mosques cannot but recall the Japanese American history. There are clear voices of
reason among local and federal government leaders, including New York Mayor
Rudolph Giuliani and President Bush who warned against the danger of “hate crimes.”
Yet, the inchoate grief, confusion, anxiety, and the shockwaves of loss and a sorrow of
unimaginable multiplication can find easy expression in an indiscriminate, angry
scapegoating.
My father, an issei or first-generation Japanese native living in New York, was
arrested by the FBI and “detained” on Ellis Island shortly after December 7, 1941 for
3
months. Because of his central position in the Japanese American community as the
Methodist minister of an ethnic church, he was deemed a “potentially dangerous
enemy alien.” As he was being released from custody, he was summoned to appear
before a federal Magistrate. He often told the story of taking this opportunity to protest
the denial of due process he had experienced and the paradox that he was not a citizen
because of exclusionary laws denying him that opportunity. “If we are fighting for
democracy abroad, don’t you think it’s high time we started to practice it at home?” he
asked. He feared “they might throw me back in jail and throw away the keys,” but
always ended the story with the Magistrate’s simple response, “Thank you, Reverend,”
as he was sent home. (My mother’s family, I should point out, did not so quickly return
home, but remained in relocation camps for the duration of the war.)
In the wake of the terrorist attack last week, I have been aware of the language of
having no language—“disbelief,” “incredible,” “surreal,” “incomprehensible.” I e-mailed
friends in Australia about my daughter’s feeling a new and “nameless” fear. I have
noted curious language usages, like “sleeper,” the reference to terrorists who spend
long periods of time in a foreign location, blending into local communities so that their
activity is less easy to detect. My anxiety increases as this is obviously a perfect set-up
for inflaming xenophobia and irrational suspicions about all Middle-Eastern and other
Muslim people. Like “hidden communists,” such enemies can’t be seen so you can also
never know if they’re NOT there. The “double-think” language of the Vietnam years
begins to echo again. Some seize upon traditional American values and admonish us
to garner our “will” and “resolve” and forsake the “useless exercise of exploding SCUD
missiles in empty buildings,” rallying Americans to get beyond their “squeamishness”
and pursue an “effective” retaliation. When linked to processes of scapegoating and
“otherization,” we run a great risk of a cataclysmic dehumanization of those who look
like our assailants and a retaliation that draws in other innocent civilians. In the
words of the Very Reverend Nathan Baxter, Dean of the National Cathedral, at
Friday’s national day of prayer: “In fighting evil, let us not become the evil we deplore.”
The New York Times acknowledged newscaster Tom Brokaw’s comparison of the
scene of the devastated World Trade Center to a “post-nuclear winter” as the defini-