Full text of DOI:10.1017/S0714980800000659

Articles
Older Women’s Community Mobility:
A Qualitative Exploration
Marcia Finlayson
University of Illinois at Chicago
Joseph Kaufert
University of Manitoba*
RÉSUMÉ
Plusieurs des limites auxquelles font face les femmes âgées qui vivent dans la communauté concernent leur mobilité.
Cette étude qualitative traite de la mobilité des femmes âgées qui vivent dans la communauté à Winnipeg, au Mani-
toba, et repose sur leur propre point de vue sur la question. On a mené des entrevues semi-structurées auprès de 23
femmes âgées (moyenne d’âge de 75,9 ans) dont les noms faisaient partie d’une banque de données. En plus des
déplacements pour les activités instrumentales de la vie quotidienne et pour participer aux activités récréatives et
sociales, les femmes de l’étude décrivaient leurs déplacements pour leurs obligations sociales (par. ex.: assister à des
funérailles, visiter des ami(e)s malades) et elles ont souligné l’importance de ces déplacements. Leur perception du ris-
que et les stratégies qu’elles devaient employer pour les minimiser ou les contourner pendant le jour, en soirée et lors
de conditions météorologiques difficiles influaient sur les déplacements des femmes dans la ville. Les déplacements
autonomes dans la communauté procurent aux femmes une forme d’indépendance et de maîtrise. Les conclusions
entraînent des répercussions pour les fournisseurs de soins de santé et les organisateurs communautaires qui travail-
lent à garder les femmes âgées dans la communauté.
ABSTRACT
Many of the limitations experienced by community-dwelling older women are related to mobility within their com-
munities. This qualitative study explored community mobility from the perspective of older, community-dwelling
women in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Semi-structured interviews were completed with 23 older women (mean age 75.9
years) identified through an existing database. In addition to travels to conduct instrumental activities of daily living
and participate in social and recreational activities, the women in the study described trips to fulfil social obligations
(e.g., attending funerals, visiting sick friends) and emphasized the importance of these trips. The women’s travels
through the city were influenced by their perception of risk and the strategies they employed to minimize or avoid risk
during the day, in the evening, and during bad weather. Autonomous community mobility provided the women with
a sense of independence and control. The findings have potential implications for health care providers and commu-
nity programmers who work to maintain older women in the community.
*Special thanks to Betty Havens, Department of Community Health Sciences, University of Manitoba, and to Lau-
rel Strain, Department of Sociology and Centre on Aging, University of Manitoba. This research was supported in
part by funding to the first author from the National Health Research and Development Program through a
National Health M.Sc. Fellowship (1993–1995), and the Canadian Occupational Therapy Foundation through a
Royal Canadian Legion Fellowship in Gerontology (1994).
Manuscript received: 30/09/99
Manuscript accepted: 12/08/00
Keywords: Qualitative Research, Older Women, Community Mobility, Risk Perception
Mots clés: Recherche qualitative, femmes agées, déplacements dans la communauté, perceptoin de risque.
Canadian Journal on Aging/ La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 21 (1)
75

76 Canadian Journal on Aging 21 (1)
Marcia Finlayson and Joseph Kaufert
factors leading to driving cessation (Stewart, Moore,
Marks, May, & Hale, 1993), and the implications of
this major life change (Marottoli et al., 1997).
Introduction
Over the past 10 to 15 years, there has been increasing
concern about the aging of the population and the
types of programs and services that will be required to
assist older people to remain independently in their
homes for as long as possible. While much attention
has been focused on health related programs and serv-
ices, another service that has been given attention is
transportation. The growing number of older drivers
on the roadways, aging-related changes that influence
driving skills, and the relatively low proportion of
older women who drive all contribute to the growing
need to understand the community mobility of older
adults (Rosenbloom, 1993). Given that older women
represent between 55 to 70 per cent of the older popula-
tion, depending on the age group being considered
(Canada, Minister of Industry, 1997), their perspec-
tives, issues, and concerns are of particular importance
when considering any issue related to adults.
Within this broad literature, we have been able to find
only three articles that explicitly used a qualitative
approach to gather data (Bonnel, 1999; Eisenhandler,
1990; Persson, 1993), and the only article that
addressed the topic of community mobility from the
perspective of older women (Bonnel, 1999) was pub-
lished after this current work was completed. Given
that community mobility is viewed as integral to
health, independence, and quality of life, all of which
have important subjective components, the methodo-
logical bias towards quantitative research in this liter-
ature points to a gap in our collective knowledge.
While both men and women have subjective experi-
ences with community mobility, the relative numbers
of older women and their reduced tendency to drive
compared to their male peers makes understanding
older women’s community mobility a particularly
salient issue. The purpose of the current study was to
develop a better understanding of the experience of
community mobility from the perspectives of older
women living in the community. The specific ques-
tions addressed in this paper are:
Transportation is defined as a means of conveyance
from one place to another, or the public conveyance of
people and goods (Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dic-
tionary, 1993), while community mobility is more
broadly understood to encompass movement within
and around one’s community, regardless of mode or
1.
2.
3.
What is the nature of older women’s community
mobility?
purpose (Larson, Stevens-Ratchford, Pedretti,
&
Crabtree, 1996). Community mobility and transporta-
tion services are intimately linked. Through use of
transportation services people experience community
mobility, and can connect with other people socially, as
well as with goods and services. Because of these con-
nections, community mobility and transportation serv-
ices are viewed by many as integral to the health,
independence, and quality of life of the older popula-
tion (Eberhard, 1998; Joseph & Fuller, 1991).
What are the factors that older women identify as
influencing their community mobility?
What meanings do older women attach to their com-
munity mobility?
Literature Review
Nature of Community Mobility
As already noted, addressing older people’s general
travel destinations was a focus of numerous transpor-
tation studies completed in the 1970s and 1980s (Ash-
ford & Holloway, 1972; Carp, 1972; Cutler, 1975; Gant
& Smith, 1988; Grant & Rice, 1983; Paaswell, Wein-
stein, & Nalepa, 1982). Some studies explored older
people’s travel patterns to specific destinations, for
example, the grocery store (Smith, 1984, 1991) and
other shopping trips (Smith, 1984). More recent work
reflecting the nature of older people’s community
mobility has focused on average miles driven per
week rather than on specific destinations (Forrest,
Bunker, Songer, Coben, & Cauley, 1997).
Over the past 30 years, there have been distinct trends
regarding older people and their community mobility
in the gerontological literature. In the 1970s and early
1980s, the research focus was on how and where older
people moved around in their communities (e.g., Ash-
ford & Holloway, 1972; Carp, 1972; Cutler, 1975; Gant
& Smith, 1988; Grant & Rice, 1983). In the 1990s, the
focus shifted to describing how age and disease influ-
enced the driving abilities (Stutts, 1998), the driving
adaptations (Gallo, Rebok, & Lesikar, 1999), and crash
rates (Sims, Owsley, Alman, Ball, & Smoot, 1998) of
older people. Two additional foci were also prevalent
during this time. One emerging focus was on the
physical, sensory and cognitive skills required in driv-
ing and how to best assess these skills among older
drivers (Ball & Rebok, 1994; Colsher & Wallace, 1993;
Marottoli et al., 1998). A second area addressed the
Travel pattern data have been collected through the use
of mail surveys, face-to-face structured interviews, sec-
ondary data analysis, as well as travel diaries. Regard-
less of the method of collection, questions on travel
destinations tend to ask older research participants to
comment on whether or not they visit pre-defined loca-
tions (Ashford & Holloway, 1972; Cutler, 1975; Gant &

Older Women’s Community Mobility
La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 21 (1)
77
Smith, 1988; Grant & Rice, 1983). Only a few studies
explorethefrequencywithwhichanolderpersongoesto
these destinations (Gant & Smith, 1988; Smith, 1984,
1991).
requirements (e.g., crossing a road with traffic lights),
bad weather, and health variability (e.g., arthritis
pain).
In studies where the participants have been asked to
evaluate and/or report on their own health status
(Forrest et al., 1997; Grant & Rice, 1983; Golant, 1984a,
1984b; McGhee, 1983; Sims et al., 1998), persons who
evaluated their health as fair or poor, or who reported
heart disease and other co-morbidities, have been
found consistently to have more problems moving
around in their communities.
The most common travel destinations addressed in
previous research include the grocery store, church or
temple, friends’ homes, other shopping sites, the doc-
tor’s office, and clubs, entertainment or leisure sites.
The consistency with which these desinations are
studied implies that they are the most important for
older people, whose community mobility has two
dimensions or serves two broad purposes or func-
tions. The first dimension appears to be related to
instrumental activities-of-daily-living. These trips
include those such as grocery shopping and banking.
The second dimension appears to be related to leisure
participation. These trips include visiting friends and
going to participate in club or entertainment activities.
Environmental Factors Influencing Community
Mobility -- One of the most frequently identified envi-
ronmental factors is housing location (Cutler & Cow-
ard, 1992; Gant & Smith, 1988; Iutcovich & Iutcovich,
1988; Joseph & Fuller, 1991). Housing location refers
to where an older person lives in relation to necessary
goods and services, such as grocery stores, pharma-
cies, and bus stops, as well as necessary social sup-
ports such as the homes of friends and family
members. In all of the studies that identify housing
location as an influence on mobility, the authors sug-
gest that the further a resource (e.g., grocery store,
pharmacy, etc.) is away from an older person’s home,
the greater is the need for a flexible mode of transpor-
tation in order to minimize community mobility prob-
lems. Housing location is intimately tied to distance,
and the interaction of these two factors can influence
an older person’s community mobility, either posi-
tively or negatively.
Factors Influencing Community Mobility
Personal Factors -- Moving around in one’s community
requires many personal resources and skills. The most
common personal factors that are discussed in the
transportation literature include age, health, gender,
living arrangements, and ability to drive (Cutler &
Coward, 1992; Gallo et al., 1999; Gant & Smith, 1988;
Sims et al., 1998; Stutts, 1998). Although the individual
influence of each of these factors varies across studies,
it is clear that authors see specific interactions among
these factors as being particularly important. The most
commonly identified interaction is between age, gen-
der, living arrangements, and ability to drive (Iutcov-
ich & Iutcovich, 1988; McGhee, 1983; Smith & Hiltner,
1988). Specifically, these authors note that women aged
75 and over who live alone and who are unable to drive
are the most transportation-disadvantaged.
Time of day, weather, and traffic are other environ-
mental variables that influence community mobility.
Older people have been found to travel less at night
because of fear (Golant, 1984a; Patterson, 1985); in
addition, Eisenhandler (1990), Gallo et al. (1999), and
Stutts (1998) found that elderly drivers prefer to drive
during the daylight primarily because of deteriorating
night vision. These same authors also found that older
drivers are less likely to drive during peak traffic
hours, and are less likely to go out during bad
weather.
Another frequently identified personal factor that
influences community mobility is health. In the litera-
ture on community mobility, health is primarily
addressed from the viewpoint of physical limitations,
sensory abilities, and cognition (Forrest et al., 1997;
Marottoli et al., 1998). In order to move freely in one’s
community, one must be able to walk, or have some
other means of forward propulsion, be able to open
and move through doors, and climb stairs and/or
ramps (Larson et al., 1996). If a vehicle is being used
for transportation, one must be able to enter and exit
it. If an older person drives, visual acuity, visual atten-
tion, and adequate cognitive skills are required to
maximize safety of self and others (Fox, Bowden,
Bashford, & Smith, 1997; Sims et al., 1998). These vari-
ous skills and abilities are required for independent
community mobility, and can be challenged by pace
Meaning of Community Mobility
Studies exploring the travel patterns of older people,
and the factors influencing these patterns, provide nec-
essary background for the current study. What they do
not provide is an understanding of the meaning older
people attach to these trips and outings; this is a signifi-
cant gap in the current literature. Although practition-
ers who work with elderly people can attest to the
importance of community mobility in the lives of their
clients, only a few studies, for example Bonnel (1999),
Eisenhandler (1990) and Persson (1993), offer an insider
perspective on this issue. These three studies suggest
that autonomous community mobility provides older

78 Canadian Journal on Aging 21 (1)
Marcia Finlayson and Joseph Kaufert
people with a sense of independence and control, and
that driving cessation is seen as a major loss. Driving
cessation resulted in giving up social and business out-
ings, church/temple attendance, and leisure activities,
such as meals out (Bonnel, 1999). Convenience was
compromised, and dependence on others became an
issue(Persson, 1993). Thiscurrentstudyisanattemptto
add to this small body of knowledge and to contribute
to discussions on the links among community mobility,
independent living, and quality oflife.
potential participants due to illness or family-reported
cognitive impairment. Of the remaining 39 women, 16
refused to participate. The 23 women who chose to par-
ticipate ranged in age from 69 to 85 (mean = 75.9). Nine
of these women identified on screening that their com-
munity mobility was limited.
Methods
A qualitative approach was used for this study as it
offered the opportunity to understand community
mobility from the perspective of the participants them-
selves. Data were collected by the first author through
the use of audio-taped semi-structured in-depth inter-
views. All interviews were conducted in the partici-
pants’ homes.
Research Design
Sample
The participants for this study were identified
through an existing data base focused on aging that is
housed at the Centre on Aging at the University of
Manitoba. The data base included 1,284 individuals
who had been randomly selected from the Manitoba
Health Services Commission registry to participate in
a study exploring the relationship between the living
arrangements of elderly people and the use of health
and social services. Because of the random selection
process used for this data base, the women included
in it were geographically dispersed through the city,
and varied in the types of transportation modes they
regularly used.
The interviews combined open- and closed-ended
questions to gather information on the nature and
extent of community mobility, and background data.
The respondents’ perceptions of the factors influencing
their community mobility were actively sought. Ques-
tions that probed for the overall importance and mean-
ingof communitymobility, as well asthesignificanceof
particular trips, were included. The interviews ranged
in length from 50 minutes to 170 minutes, averaging 97
minutes. Each woman was interviewed only once.
Analysis
Interviews were analysed throughout the data collec-
tion phase of the study by taking fieldnotes and
expanding them as soon after the interview as possible.
As transcripts were prepared, they were printed and
margin notes and memos were made by the first
author regarding apparent themes and patterns. The
transcripts, margin notes and memos were reviewed
by the second author. The ‘Find’ function in WordPer-
fect 6.0a for Windows (WordPerfect Corporation, 1994)
was used to search, find, and retrieve text to explore
the emerging themes in relation to the women’s mobil-
ity statuses. Variations in the data were explored and
alternative explanations were actively sought through
discussions between the first and second authors,
reviews of the retrieved text sections, and comparisons
across the different interview transcripts.
A simple random sample of English-speaking, com-
munity-dwelling women was drawn from the data-
base and these women were invited to volunteer to
participate in the study. The recruitment process
involved contacting the women by letter, and then fol-
lowing up with a telephone call to explain the study
and request participation. Women who agreed to par-
ticipate were asked some preliminary questions at this
time to determine their ability to move around inde-
pendently in the community. This screening was used
to enhance maximum variability in the sample
(Strauss & Corbin, 1990), and to ensure that both
women with independent community mobility and
women with limited community mobility were being
recruited for the study. Women were considered to be
independently mobile if they had control over when
and where they moved around in their community
because they drove, took the bus, walked, and/or
took taxis. Women were considered to have limited
mobility if they were dependent on others for trans-
portation, such as friends and family, handi-transit, or
a volunteer driver service. As a result, community
mobility was defined in this study as being either
independent or limited as a result of the interaction
between the mode of transportation used by the
women and the extent of their control over that mode.
Results
The characteristics of the women who participated in
this study are outlined in Table 1. Ten of the 23 partici-
pants were married, and12 were living alone. Over one-
half of the participants were living in single-family
homes, and only three women who required assistance
with community mobility lived in age-segregated
apartment buildings. The women tended to rate their
health positively, and many were well-educated. All
but three of the women felt that their income was ade-
quateor was meeting their needsvery well.
A total of 53 women were contacted by mail and tele-
phoned to invite participation. At the time of the tele-
phone call, 14 of these women were excluded as

Older Women’s Community Mobility
La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 21 (1)
79
Table 1: Characteristics of study sample
Characteristic
Number of Participants
Marital Status
Married
Widowed
10
8
Divorced/Separated
Never Married
2
3
Living Arrangements
With Spouse
9
Alone
12
2
With Other Family Member
Housing
Single-family house
Age-integrated apartment
Age-segregated apartment
16
4
3
Self-perceived Health Status
Excellent
Good
Fair
Poor
Bad
5
9
8
0
1
Education
Less than Grade 6
Some secondary school
High school diploma
College or university
1
7
6
9
Adequacy of Income
Meets needs very well
Adequate
8
12
3
With Difficulty
Mode(s) of Community Mobility
Drives
Uses bus exclusively
Uses bus and other modes
Goes with family
Goes with family or uses handi-transit
6
1
8
5
3
In terms of the availability of personal transportation,
six of the participants were able to drive their own
cars at the time of the interview, although one of these
women was having great difficulties and was actively
seeking an alternative mode of transportation. At the
time of the interview she described her community
mobility as limited due to self-imposed restrictions
she placed on her own driving, and her lack of a trans-
portation alternative. Only one of the women used the
bus exclusively to move around in the city. Eight oth-
ers used the bus in combination with some other
mode (e.g., walking, taxi). Five participants depended
on family members for all of their rides, while the
remaining participants (3) depended on family mem-
bers but also used handi-transit services. Ultimately,
14 of the women were independent in their commu-
nity mobility, while nine women experienced some
degree of limitation in community mobility.
Nature of Community Mobility
Analysis of the interview transcripts revealed that the
women moved around in the city to conduct instru-
mental activities of daily living (IADL) tasks, to fulfill
their needs for social, recreational and leisure activity,
and to fulfill social obligations. The first two of these
three mobility purposes match those discussed in pre-
vious studies (Gant & Smith, 1988; Grant & Rice, 1983;
Smith, 1984, 1991) and therefore will not be addressed
here. The third dimension has not been specifically
identified in the existing literature but was a promi-
nent theme across all of the interviews, regardless of
whether the women were independently mobile or
required some assistance.
Outings identified by the women as social obligations
were those trips that allowed them to fulfil what they
perceived to be a required task or activity, even
though these tasks and activities were not always con-
sidered to be enjoyable or personally selected.

80 Canadian Journal on Aging 21 (1)
Marcia Finlayson and Joseph Kaufert
Although less frequent than outings for IADL or lei-
sure, outings for social obligation were considered to
be extremely important among the women who spoke
of them. The theme of social obligation is best illus-
trated through this interaction between the first
author and an 85 year old woman who went daily to
visit her husband living in a nursing home:
these factors have been discussed in the literature pre-
viously, they will not be addressed here. One major
factor that was raised by the participants that has not
been addressed in the literature to date was a theme
labelled “risk perception” in the qualitative analysis.
Risk perception played a major role in the community
mobility experiences, choices, and routines of all of
the women in the study, regardless of whether they
were independently mobile or experienced limitations
in their community mobility. It was a factor that
encompassed both personal and environmental
aspects. The women talked about making decisions
about where, when, and how they would travel and
how these decisions were influenced by the risks that
they perceived to be associated with their trip and its
route. Through the analysis, it became apparent that
the women were perceiving two types of risk – unpre-
dictable risk and continuous, familiar risk. Although
both types were discussed by the women during the
interviews, only unpredictable risk had an influence
on their community mobility, particularly with
respect to the choices the women made about when
and under what conditions they were willing to travel
Woman: “I go out twice a week I’d say, maybe.”
M.F:“Now what about all of the visits to your hus-
band?”
Woman:“Oh, yes, I don’t call them that.”
M.F.:“That’s not, you don’t count that as going out?”
Woman:“No, its not an outing. That’s something I do
for him because he is not well. It is a duty.”
Activities such as going to weddings, funerals, and
various family functions fall into this dimension of
mobility, as do going to visit sick friends and relatives,
and going to visit a grave site at the cemetery. Trips to
meet social obligations were completed with the low-
est frequency relative to other types of trips, but they
were associated with worry and concern if they could
not be completed or somehow had to be modified or
restricted. During an interview with one woman, the
first author asked her, “Where would be the worst
place for you to be unable to get to?”. Excerpts from
her response highlight the complexity of trips per-
ceived as social obligation, and how the anticipation
of not being able to complete them creates worry:
Figure 1: Graphic Depiction of the Risk
Pereception Theme
It’s going to be hard for me not to go to the cemetery
in the winter-time. Right now, I had a brochure from
the cemetery today about a wreath, you know, but now
I have to get out there somehow…. I have a friend that
maybe is going to, I don’t think that she is going to
pick me up, but maybe meet me part way and take me
out there. I’ve only been going out there once a month
to put flowers on the grave…. This brochure I had was
to buy a wreath, and they will put it on for me, but
then I have to make sure that it is off by March 1st.
That would bother me a little bit, depending on the
weather, if I can’t get out there to get it off. But they
will keep them for about two weeks, but if you don’t
claim them after that they just destroy them. I’d like to
get out there, because I’d like to keep it for a few
years.
through the city. Figure 1 provides a graphical depic-
tion of the risk perception theme.
Factors Influencing Community Mobility
The women’s perceptions of the factors that influ-
enced their community mobility, whether positively
or negatively, fell into the same two broad areas found
in the existing literature – personal factors and envi-
ronmental factors. Health and the ability to drive were
the personal factors the women discussed that were
consistent with previous studies. The environmental
factors included traffic and public transportation
issues, such as bus schedules and accessibility. Since
The women identified three specific strategies for the
management of unpredictable risks – avoiding con-
frontations with threatening people, avoiding travel,
or changing the mode of travel. The strategy
employed related directly to the weather for the
women with limited community mobility; for the
women who were independent in their community
mobility, the strategy used depended on the time of

Older Women’s Community Mobility
La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 21 (1)
81
Well, I just seem to ignore them. I try not to look at
them. And then I just shake my head if they ask me for
money. One fella even asked me in the bus for money.
I just tried to ignore him and he asked me again. So I
said NO!
day and/or the weather. During the daytime, these
later participants minimized their travel risks in the
city by dealing with unpredictable risks, specifically
threatening people, in a calm and non-confrontational
manner. In the evenings, on the other hand, these
women tended to avoid travelling altogether, or alter-
natively, to change their mode of travel in order to
avoid risk.
Avoiding Travel or Changing Modes of Travel -- Few of
the women who were interviewed for this study
talked about going out in the evening, and as a result,
this issue was frequently probed during the interview
sessions. One independently mobile woman
explained that she will not go out in the evenings
unless she is able to get a ride with a friend:
Travel avoidance was discussed only by the women
with limited mobility, and it was employed when the
weather was bad (e.g., icy, snowy) to avoid risk alto-
gether. These women did not address travel risks in
relation to the time of day.
What keeps me in at night is the fact that all of the
areas that I have to make [bus] transfer points are not
the neatest places to be waiting.
Avoiding Confrontations -- During
the
interviews,
safety was a commonly identified factor that made
mobility in the city difficult for the women, particu-
larly those who were independently mobile. Beggars,
vagrants, and gangs of teenagers whom they encoun-
tered while riding or waiting for the bus made the
women feel uncomfortable. When one woman was
asked if she ever felt unsafe, she responded:
Another woman chose to not go out since she did not
have friends or family close by who could drive her,
and she could not afford to take a taxi. Her rationale
for making this choice was very straightforward:
Woman:“I won’t go out at night by myself.”
MF:“Why?”
I feel uncomfortable. I’m afraid that something is
going to have to happen before I feel unsafe. I feel
uncomfortable.
Woman:“Too nervous.”
MF:“What are you nervous about?”
Woman:“I think that you have lots to be nervous about
these days.”
She noted that nothing had happened to her during
her travels or at any of her transfer points because:
MF:“For example?”
I’ve always treated everyone with dignity, regardless
of who or what they are. And I’ve never yet had any
problems, and I’ve, if I can’t give something I just say
I’m very sorry, I really have nothing to give to you.
And I mean it because I won’t open my purse, but I
keep money in my pocket all the time. I keep money
in my pocket to give away, it’s wrong, I shouldn’t be
doing that, but I just, I’m afraid that if I say no that’s
the time that it’s going to mean something to that per-
son and I don’t want to be the one that triggers some-
thing.
Woman:“Being molested.”
The discussions that evolved during the interviews
with the women who were independently mobile
highlighted the complex and interactive nature of the
risks they encountered during their evening travels.
Although the women typically were using the same
buses and transfer points or parking lots during the
day, being at these locations in the evening increased
their perception of risk. What made the transfer points
unpredictable in the evening were the same people
that made them unpredictable during the day – the
beggars, vagrants, and gangs of teenagers who hung
around and asked for money. However, the daytime
strategy of dealing with threatening people in a non-
confrontational manner became inadequate in the
evening. The darkness and having fewer people
around compounded the risk, turning a satisfactory
mode of transportation during the day into an unsat-
isfactory one in the evening, and required the women
to change their risk management strategies.
Although this woman, who was independently mobile
and used the bus exclusively for her travels, denied
that the money in her pocket was kept for a safeguard
in case a threatening person got upset or angry, it was
apparent that this money gave her a feeling of control
(not having to open her purse) and therefore served a
sort of protective purpose for her regardless of whether
she used it or not. Carrying money in her pocket and
treating threatening people with dignity minimized
the risk that she perceived to be present as she travelled
through the city during the day. Of particular interest is
the fact that this woman planned for the possibility of
meeting threatening people rather than allowing this
possibility to stop her from going out.
Travel avoidance was also the strategy that was used
by both groups of women to avoid the unpredictable
risk of bad weather:
One of the common ways to minimize the risk of hav-
ing a confrontation with threatening people was to
ignore them. One woman commented:
If it is slippery I sure won’t go anyplace. I’m afraid of
falling. So many people fall here you know. And I’m
scared silly of falling. I used to hang on to my husband

82 Canadian Journal on Aging 21 (1)
Marcia Finlayson and Joseph Kaufert
like he’d never believe me. He used to say, do you
really have to hang on to me like that? I’d say, yes I
do! And he’d say, just pretend that I’m not here and
just walk. And I just can’t make myself walk on ice.
I’m just so afraid.
These quotes reflect a dominant theme in the inter-
views, revealing how the women, in their community
mobility narratives, linked issues of independence
and burden. Independent community mobility was
seen as a tool through which potential burden
imposed on other people could be mitigated.
Although the women who needed help to get around
in the city tended to be more articulate about this con-
nection, even the women who had no mobility limita-
tions talked about this link during their interviews.
The strongest comments about the association
between community mobility and independence
came from a 72-year old widow who has driven all of
her adult life:
I was out the other day, and it was very fine snow, and it
snowed all day. I went to the mall and did a few odd
jobs. But the idea of going to the potluck supper in Fort
Garry, driving in the dark and it was still snowing. No. I
decided that it really wasn’t wise.
The explanations provided by the women demon-
strated that community mobility is dependent to
some degree on risk perception, and that this percep-
tion is closely associated with time of day and
weather. These two factors dictate what coping strate-
gies the women used to manage the risks they
encountered, and whether the function of these strate-
gies was to minimize risk or to avoid it.
Woman:“Well, really a car is independence to me.
And independence is important to me because inde-
pendence is power.”
M.F.:“How is independence power?”
Meanings Attached to Community Mobility
Woman:“Because then you do what you want to do.
It’s doing what you want to do, when you want to do
it. And that’s power. It’s the power to move around
when you want to.”
As the women spoke of going to their various destina-
tions, and of the factors that influenced their mobility,
the meanings that they attached to their community
mobility crisscrossed the discussion. For all of the
study participants, community mobility strongly
influenced their sense of independence and freedom,
whether positively or negatively, regardless of their
mode of travel. For the 14 independently mobile
women, community mobility meant being able to get
up and go when and where they wanted, without
having to depend on someone else:
Through these quotes, it can be seen that community
mobility meant independence and freedom for the
women who were interviewed, and had an impact on
their sense of control and spontaneity. This finding is
consistent with the work of Bonnel (1999).
Discussion
Current social trends, such as growing numbers of
older drivers, are increasing the need to understand
the community mobility of older people, particularly
women (Eberhard, 1998). While there is a long history
of research on the community mobility of this popula-
tion, very few researchers have taken a qualitative
approach and only one has considered the perspec-
tives of older women exclusively (Bonnel, 1999).
Through the use of qualitative methods, this study
adds to existing knowledge in three areas: the nature
of older women’s community mobility; the influence
of risk perception on it; and the meanings attached to
community mobility.
I don’t like to be beholding [sic] people to pick me up
and bring me home. See, I’m looking forward, or
maybe not, that’s the wrong word. But the day may
come when I need people to do that. As long as I can
do it for myself, I shall do it for myself.
I can get out as much as I want or as little as I want …
I think that if you are, if you want to be independent,
you have to be mobile. And as long as I am, I feel that
I can be completely independent.
For the nine women who were experiencing mobility
limitations, the loss of spontaneity in terms of getting
up and going whenever they wanted, was a reminder
of their dependence on other people. This reminder
raised concerns about becoming a burden on family
members and friends:
Previous studies focusing on the nature of older peo-
ple’s community mobility were completed between 15
to 30 years ago, and little research has been done
recently to determine whether any changes have
occurred in older people’s travel destinations.
Although the current study was qualitative in nature,
the findings supported and expanded previous work
(e.g., Ashford & Holloway, 1972; Carp, 1972; Cutler,
1975; Gant & Smith, 1988; Grant & Rice, 1983; Paas-
well, Nalepa & Weinstein, 1982; Smith, 1984; 1991). In
addition, the qualitative format of this study allowed
social obligation to emerge as an important dimension
In certain areas I feel less independent now…. Even if
I am offered a ride I don’t go. I know that they [the
people who offer] wouldn’t mind, but I do. I feel that I
am a burden to others and I don’t want to do that, so I
stay home alone.
I have a funny nature. I can’t impose on people. I can’t
phone her [friend] and ask her, how would you like to
take me to do my shopping? or you know…. I can’t do
that. I don’t want to be indebted.

Older Women’s Community Mobility
La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 21 (1)
83
of community mobility, as well as risk perception as
an important influence on this mobility. Perception of
risk is a factor that runs parallel to what Golant
(1984b) and Patterson (1985) labelled fear in their
studies. The qualitative approach of this study
allowed for an expansion of this factor, and an under-
standing of the strategies women used to cope with
risk, and under what conditions they used which
strategies.
who participated in this study. Community mobility
is multi-dimensional and is influenced by a wide
range of factors, including the perception of the risks
associated with travel. Community mobility also has
meanings attached to it. Future researchers may wish
to explore whether the dimensions, factors, and mean-
ings identified by this sample are similar in other
groups, for example older, urban males, or alterna-
tively, elderly people living in small towns or on
farms.
The strategies that the women employed to manage
risk highlight the fact that the process of community
mobility starts before a woman even steps out her
front door. Minimizing risk by avoiding confronta-
tions and changing modes of travel point to the plan-
ning and consideration that goes on before a trip is
actually undertaken. These findings emphasize the
need to expand current research on factors influenc-
ing community mobility, and consider these factors
from a process or temporal perspective.
The findings of this study have implications for health
care providers and community programmers who
provide services to older women who are living in or
returning to the community. If older women are
restricting their community mobility because of per-
ceived risk, then efforts need to be made to reduce
these risks. Reducing these risks could enhance older
women’s sense of independence, freedom and con-
trol, and this, in turn may support them in their efforts
to remain in their homes and communities. Being able
to successfully reduce the risks perceived by older
women will require additional understanding of the
range of perceived risks, and the types of strategies
used to successfully minimize or avoid these risks.
With such knowledge, opportunities for individual,
group and policy interventions that have a strong
probability of success are possible.
For the women who participated in this study, being
able to move freely in their communities was linked to
their sense of independence and freedom Being able
to move freely in the city allowed these women to
limit any burden that they felt they imposed on family
members or friends. These interpretations are consist-
ent with the findings of Bonnel (1999) and Persson
(1993). Future researchers may wish to explore these
meanings and their potential implications further. The
interviews pointed to complex interactions between
the women’s feelings of independence, freedom and
burden, and their choice of activity locations. These
interactions may be relevant to our understanding of
social isolation and loneliness of older adults.
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