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be used as seed, or as seed/planting material. Farmers tend to take much greater care of
the seed of crops that are not normally sold, and ‘farmer seed specialists’ often exist
within communities. Such specialists are often able to maintain the seed of different
varieties of such crops, even under very extreme crisis conditions, thus providing a
source from which other farmers can acquire seed that they themselves may have lost.
Labour is often the main constraint to agricultural production, both in ‘normal’
situations and in times of stress, particularly in situations when some household
members are displaced, conscripted or killed. In situations of chronic conflict, labour
inputs to agricultural production are generally reduced and farmers often find it
difficult to control pests and diseases, thus reducing harvest outputs. By constructing
cropping calendars in relation to the main labour tasks and who is responsible for
specific agricultural activities (planting, weeding, seed selection and processing, seed
storage, seed acquisition), it may be possible to predict how seed systems will be
affected in relation to the timing of the crisis and the impacts it may have on local
populations, particularly in terms of changing household compositions. Knowing
whether men or women are responsible for specific tasks may also help to target
appropriate interventions according to gender roles. In many agricultural communities,
it is often women who are responsible for seed selection and storage.
It is necessary to answer the third and fourth questions of Box 1 as they relate
to different wealth groups. Three levels of household seed security have been defined
according to relative household wealth (Cromwell, 1996): seed-secure households are
usually better off and are able to save their own seed for planting but may use off-farm
sources (from relatives, neighbours and markets) in order to experiment with new
varieties; crisis-prone households are seed secure in most seasons but less well off, so a
situation such as harvest failure or death or illness in the family can force them to augment
their own saved seed with that acquired from markets and other, more seed-secure farmers;
chronically seed-insecure households are poorly resourced (small farm size, and a shortage
of labour resources) and so in most seasons are unable to harvest sufficient crops to meet
both seed and domestic consumption needs. Chronically seed-insecure households
regularly rely on acquiring seed through loans that are repaid after harvest, as gifts from
better-off farmers, or by exchanging their labour for seed. Farmers who are least seed
secure in ‘normal’ times also tend to suffer the most in terms of reduced access to seed in
times of crisis (Longley, 1998).
Agro-ecological aspects
In describing the crops and crop varieties and on what ecologies they are grown (e.g.,
lowland or upland fields or plots situated near the homestead), particular attention
should be given to the relative diversity of the cropping system and the range of
choices available to farmers. The resilience of both agricultural systems and seed
systems is at least partly determined by the ability of farmers to change their cropping
patterns, for example, by substituting crops or varieties according to local constraints
and opportunities, or by relying on alternative agro-ecologies in the situation that a
specific ecology or field type is rendered unproductive or unusable.
Predictions concerning the impact of a crisis on particular crops and seed
systems can be made by assessing the type, timing, duration and extent of a disaster in
relation to local crop calendars and cropping patterns. As mentioned above, a natural
disaster such as drought or flood will have greatest effect upon those crops growing in
the particular agro-ecologies affected. In the case of flooding, the planting material of