Full text of DOI:10.1111/1467-954X.00205

Does civil society speak for the people?
evidence from a survey of Scottish teachers
Lindsay Paterson
Abstract
It has been claimed by many writers recently that civil society can lead a process of
political renewal in the liberal democracies. However, the extent to which civil society
is in touch with popular feeling has been challenged from both the right and the left.
The paper examines one currently fluid case: civil society in Scotland, which in 1999
acquired its first parliament for three centuries following an emphatic referendum
vote in 1997 in favour of setting up such an institution. The paper discusses the
general issues and themes concerning civil society, explains the significance of the
Scottish case, and then uses survey data to compare the views of one segment of
Scottish civil society (school teachers) with those of the Scottish population
generally. Teachers are studied because of the several key roles which they play in
civil society and in social reproduction. The paper concludes that this segment of civil
society is indeed close to the views of the general population (probably closer than
Scottish members of the UK parliament), and that the new Scottish parliament will
have to respect the legitimacy of the established civic institutions if it is to engage
with popular concerns.
Introduction
The role of civil society in constitutional renewal in the UK and elsewhere has
been widely debated. It has been claimed that civil society provides a bulwark
against an excessively powerful state, a source of legitimacy for the state, and a
network of institutions that are more in touch with popular feeling than remote
politicians and bureaucrats.
These claims have had particular resonance in Scotland, the case which
provides the empirical focus for this paper, and the Scottish case can clarify
the wider debate. In Scotland, civil society has been the carrier of the nation's
relative autonomy throughout the period since the Scottish and English
parliaments united in 1707. The resulting social status of civil society pushed
it into opposition to the Conservative government between 1979 and 1997, a
conflict which induced it to depart from its historical caution and lead the
campaign for a Scottish parliament. The outcome was a referendum in
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Does civil society speak for the people?
September 1997 which endorsed the ideas for a parliament by a margin of
three to one. From this same campaign has emerged the idea that civil society
can ensure that the Scottish parliament will be responsive to popular
concerns.
In such debates, both in the UK and elsewhere, the extent to which civil
society is indeed representative of popular views has been challenged, notably
by new right politicians who have continued to see an unreformed civil
society as a conspiracy of professional interests against lay people. In
Scotland, these accusations have taken the form of allegations that the
pressure for a Scottish parliament was invented by small and unrepresentative
elites in civil society. The allegations seemed less plausible after the emphatic
outcome of the referendum and the defeat of every Scottish Conservative MP
in the general election of 1997, but they remain as challenges to the new
political order which will emerge now that the new parliament has been
elected.
Amidst these political debates, there has been little systematic analysis of
the views of influential segments of civil society, and almost no survey-based
research into the views of the personnel in leading institutions of civil society.
This paper offers information about one such group ± Scottish school
teachers. Using survey evidence, it compares their views on a variety of
social, cultural and political issues with the views of the people of Scotland
generally (and, in some limited respects, with the views of Scottish members
of the UK parliament). School teachers are an important group not only
because education is itself a key institution in civil society ± especially
in Scotland, where it is a symbolic carrier of a sense of national identity ±
but also because teachers contribute in numerous ways to other civic
organisations.
In summary, the argument of the paper is this. There is an international
debate about the role of civil society in political renewal. Investigating that is
fruitful in a situation where a new political structure is being created, and
where civil society was influential on that reform. Scotland, having acquired
a new parliament in 1999, is such a case. The empirical base of the paper is
confined to one important segment of Scottish civil society, school teachers.
Although a fuller analysis would require data also on other parts of civil
society, nevertheless the conclusion from the data we have is that civil
society can provide national leadership, in the sense that it seems to be in
touch with popular views. For that reason, new political institutions such as
the new Scottish parliament have to cope with a socially embedded set of
civic institutions that potentially constrain radical political action even
though they may also have been the source of the new institutions
themselves.
The paper is in three parts. First there is a fuller account of the debate about
civil society and political renewal. Then there is a comparison of the views of
teachers and the general population. The paper finishes with a discussion of the
implications for politics, civil society and the state.
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Lindsay Paterson
Civil society and political renewal
Civil society: a response to the New Right
Civil society has been seen by the political left in the UK and elsewhere in
recent years as a way of renewing the political process and of rebuilding the
constitution. One of the reasons why the UK left has warmed to civil society is
the suspicion with which it was treated by the government of Margaret
Thatcher after 1979, a reversal of the view that dominated right-wing thinking
up to the 1970s, and provoking a reversal of the corresponding mainstream
socialist view that civil society was a seat of bourgeois power (Hall, 1995;
Sassoon, 1996). Thatcher regarded civil society as a conspiracy by professionals
against lay people, as restricting the market freedoms without which no other
freedom could be secure, and as a repository of the corporatism which had
prevented both Labour and Conservative governments from modernising the
British economy (Hirst, 1989; Jenkins, 1995; Young, 1989). So civil society has
become the basis on which social democratic theorists have placed greatest
emphasis in their response to the new right (Deakin, 1987; Hall, 1995; Hirst,
1994; Keane, 1988; Elcock and Keating, 1998; Marquand, 1996; NCVO, 1996;
Pierson, 1991; Putnam, 1993; SCVO, 1997).
Although the provocative effect of a government like Thatcher's was not
present in other states, some of the same themes can be found very widely. In
particular, an assertion of the role of civil society has accompanied the present
European debate on strengthened regionalism, often drawing on the argument
by Putnam (1993) that strong regional government both depends on and can
foster social capital. Social capital is, in a sense, the social glue that holds civil
society together: as refined by James Coleman (1988), social capital consists of
the norms and expectations which allow people to trust one another, and to act
on the assumption that people will act in certain ways that are conducive to the
social good. Much longer ago, Adam Smith proposed similar ideas in his
`
theory of moral sentiments', and the idea that there is and ought to be an
autonomous realm in which these can be exercised came to influence debate
about civil society from Smith's time onwards (Cohen and Arato, 1992; Fine
and Rai, 1997; Fukuyama, 1995). The very existence of civil society, according
to this view, depends on a rich stock of social capital, and so ± if renewed
regional government can promote social capital ± then civil society can benefit
from regionalism and can contribute to it.
These ideas on the link between regional government and civil society have
now been raised in many contexts. The most influential and best-known study
is of Italy. Putnam's original conclusions that regionalism and civil society are
mutually supportive have not been fundamentally questioned, although some
authors have gone further than Putnam in noting that what is meant by a
regional tier of government is contested, ranging from the broad regions which
Putnam studied and which the Italian constitution recognises to renewed city-
states on the one hand or to a possible tripartite division of mainland Italy on
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the other (Desideri and Santantonio, 1997). Putnam's conclusions have also
been modified for Spain by Rico, Gonzalez and Faile (1999), who found
Â
evidence that regional government can promote civil society as well as the other
way round (which was Putnam's main interest). That there is a close link
between the two has become the dominant view in writing about the Spanish
constitution. In particular, the transition from the Franco dictatorship to
democracy has been agreed by many writers to have depended on the
leadership which civil society gave to the people. In that transition, the most
influential civil societies were regional, especially in Catalonia and the Basque
country (Aguilar, 1999; Colomer, 1999; Giner, 1980, 1995; Keating, 1996;
Moreno, 1988). The Spanish transition was then replicated in many ways after
the collapse of the communist regimes in east-central Europe, where civil
society again played a leading role (Gellner, 1994; McCrone, 1998; Skapska,
1997; Tempest, 1997; Wainwright, 1994; Wesolowski, 1995).
In the long-established democracies, too, the role of civil society in
promoting and in being promoted by regionalism has been widely discussed.
In France, for example, the limited regionalism of 1986 has been found to have
created new regional elites (Dupoirier, 1995), although they are then in conflict
with the much more entrenched elites around the old prefectural system (Smith,
1997). That pattern may be closest to the likely evolution of the UK over the
next few decades. Schlesinger (1992, 1997) has argued that there is slowly
emerging a new European civil society based on old nations and regions, and
eroding the legitimacy of the states that were formed between the late
seventeenth century and the mid-twentieth century.
The same set of ideas can be found in North America, notably in discussion
of Quebec (Keating, 1996). Although regionalism as such does not appear in
the same way in the politics of the USA, there is certainly a vigorous strand of
debate about the role of civil society and social capital in re-engaging citizens
with democracy (Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 1996; Whitehead, 1997). This debate
can also claim civil society as a founding component of democracy in the USA,
through the writings of de Tocqueville.
On the other hand, the enthusiasm for civil society has not been universally
shared on the Left. Even advocates of a leading role for civil society have
acknowledged the need for a strong state to counteract the inequalities of
power in civil society (McLennan, 1995). Marquand, for example, argues that
civil society, as well as being the basis of social solidarity, can also be a source
of social conflict (Marquand, 1996: 68). Kumar believes that the Left's current
enthusiasm for civil society has glossed over the conservatism of many civic
institutions (Kumar, 1993). Seligman (1995) has a similar view, arguing that
the essentially private nature of civil society is no guarantee of `civic virtue' ±
of morality as `less a private attribute and more a public or communal
enterprise' (p. 203). The writers who argue that government can help to
develop civil society might partly agree with this analysis. For example, Rico,
Â
Gonzalez and Faile (1999: 197) conclude from their study of health policy
in decentralised Spain that effective regional government depends on `the
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Lindsay Paterson
autonomy of public officials from vested interests', which would sometimes
place government in conflict with civic elites. Across the European Union as a
whole, there are doubts as to whether a truly regional polity is, in fact,
emerging (Jeffery, 1997): regional politics remains most effective when it
operates through the existing structures of the state. And ± for politicians of
the Left ± there is the potentially uncomfortable point that, in the 1980s,
regional assertion in some federal states was more strongly associated with the
right than the left, notably in the movement for `state rights' in the USA
(
Jeffreys-Jones and Collins, 1983) but also in the resistance by the Bavarian
government to the original form of the Maastricht Treaty that extended the
powers of the European Union (Jeffery, 1997).
In this debate, a very broad definition of civil society has been normal, and
this is followed in the present paper. It is taken to include not just fully
voluntary bodies, but also such intermediary institutions as the education
system and elected local government. That has always been a strong element in
the literature on civil society, ultimately because Hegel in effect defined civil
society to be everything other than the state (Cohen and Arato, 1992). Gramsci
followed this tradition too, allowing that non-state institutions such as the
education system could be sites of political and cultural struggle against the
hegemony of ruling ideas (Bobbio, 1988). A wider meaning for `civil society'
than the purely voluntary has been unavoidable ever since the welfare state
started to blur the boundary between public and private (Keane, 1988;
McIntosh, 1984; Putnam, 1993), and since then there has also emerged a debate
as to whether differentiating between civil society and the state might be
ceasing to be meaningful (Cohen and Arato, 1992). The recent reassertion of
civil society can thus be interpreted as both a practical and a theoretical
recovery of a public space that the twentieth-century state might have invaded.
Civil society and nationalism
Driving a great deal of the regionalism that seems to be so closely associated
with civil society is nationalism. There is a strong link historically between
nationalism and civil society in Europe. Late-nineteenth century nationalism
frequently developed as the response of a distinct civil society to the multi-
national empires that governed most of the continent at that time (Gellner,
1983; McCrone, 1998; Paterson, 1994; Smith, 1991). Late-twentieth century
nationalism has also been founded on civil society, but the context is so
different that the implications of these links are also quite different. Simplifying
enormously, we can say that the emergence of regional nationalisms in Europe
and North America has been facilitated by the relative detachment of regional
civil societies from the state. In that sense, they have depended on a
differentiation between the state and civil society. Such differentiation has
allowed civic elites to have dual allegiances ± to the British and the Scottish
realms, to Spain and to Catalonia, to Wallonia and to Belgium, to Bavaria and
to Germany, to Quebec and to Canada. It has therefore also allowed the
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balance between the allegiances to shift over time, in the last three decades
usually in the direction of greater regional allegiance and weaker attachment to
the state. Lying behind these ambivalences and shifts is the essentially federal
character of the societies governed by the states concerned. As Livingston
(
1952, 1956) argued just as the welfare states were asserting their maximum
sovereignty, the character of a state depends less on its formal constitution and
more on whether it governs a truly unitary or truly federal society. To the
extent that the UK and other places have retained a societal federalism from
earlier eras, there have always been social pressures on civic elites that pull
them back into a differentiated civil society and away from the state.
On the other hand, there remains a great deal of truth in the claim that civil
society has tended to merge into the state in the twentieth century, and so the
various regional civic elites have been highly cautious about detaching
themselves from the state sufficiently to lend their weight even to moderate
pressure for limited regional autonomy. The personnel of the welfare state,
especially, have depended on the central state, not on the regional society, and
have also been aware of the redistributive capacities of large-scale government.
It is probably largely for these reasons that, in the liberal democracies,
successful nationalist and regionalist movements in the late twentieth century
have been civic rather than ethnic (McCrone, 1998). The social location of
regional elites inclined them to be aware that identity and power are
ambivalent, partial and mutable. Whatever the balance of arguments in favour
or against greater regional autonomy, it was always a balance, not an exclusive
opting for one or other identity, allegiance and font of sovereignty.
Civil society in Scotland
All these ideas, currents and social changes have been as evident in Scotland as
in any other small nation or region in the liberal democracies. What makes the
debates there of special interest now is that Scottish civil society has actually
achieved something very radical ± the construction of a scheme for a Scottish
parliament that was able to command widespread support in a referendum,
and which will result in the biggest change for three centuries in how Scotland
is governed (Brown, McCrone and Paterson, 1998). The remarkable feature of
this episode is that it has involved the traditionally very cautious elites of civil
society challenging the state on which their authority has rested.
The Scottish case illustrates the inescapability of civil society in any analysis
of social development, and the necessity of defining civil society broadly. Civic
institutions maintained the country's separate identity after the Union of 1707,
which was a uniting of parliaments but of little else. For nearly two centuries
thereafter, the central parliament was concerned mainly with war and
diplomacy, subsuming these into the grand designs of empire (Colley, 1992).
The daily lives of most people ± in England as much as in Scotland ± were
governed by local agencies, but in Scotland these were given a distinct national
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Lindsay Paterson
coherence by the continuing separateness of Scots law, religion and education
(
Keating, 1996; McCrone, 1992; Paterson, 1994).
Although the Scottish governing system was changed fundamentally with
the growth of state power in the twentieth century, the role of civil society was
transformed, not straightforwardly weakened. Policy making in Scotland took
the form of negotiations between the main government agency ± the Scottish
Office ± and a variety of Scottish organisations. The extent to which this policy
process was truly autonomous can be debated (Keating, 1996; Kellas, 1989;
Midwinter, Keating and Mitchell, 1991; Paterson, 1994), but there is general
agreement that Scottish preferences were brought together and presented to the
state by respected civic institutions.
The Thatcher government after 1979 placed this system under great strain.
Because of the symbolically important role of Scottish civil society in the
Union, her government's attempts to erode the power of civil society were
received in Scotland as a threat to Scotland's identity and autonomy. Scottish
civil society's dual allegiance to Scotland and Britain was therefore forced in
the direction of Scotland to an unprecedented extent (Brown, McCrone and
Paterson, 1998). That is, the always present partial differentiation of Scottish
civil society from the UK state was magnified, and impelled most parts of civil
society to devise a scheme for an elected Scottish parliament that would protect
their position, but also reinforce the differentiation. The vehicle between 1989
and 1995 was the Scottish Constitutional Convention, grouping the Labour
party and the Liberal Democrats with representatives of numerous bodies
in civil society such as local government, trade unions, churches, women's
organisations, and organisations representing minority ethnic groups. The
Convention's proposals were for a parliament elected by proportional
representation and having legislative autonomy in all the policy areas that
were administered by the Scottish Office (roughly, all domestic policy apart
from social security and macro-economics). These ideas were adopted almost
unamended by the UK Labour government elected in 1997; at that same
election, the Scottish Conservatives lost all their seats and attracted only 18%
of the vote. In a referendum held on 11 September, the scheme was supported
by a majority of three-to-one (in a turnout of 60%); the proposal that the
parliament should have limited powers of taxation was supported by two-to-
one. The unambiguous vote depended on the leadership and respectability
given to the self government movement by civil society (Paterson and Wyn-
Jones, 1999).
Nevertheless, just as the UK Left's enthusiasm for civil society has been
questioned by writers such as Kumar, so the Scottish Left's analogous
inclinations have been challenged by more radical nationalist thinkers. From
their point of view, the campaign for a Scottish parliament has been an attempt
to escape from the dull conformity of the life which civil society has created for
Scotland within the Union (Nairn, 1997: 194±209). In Nairn's analysis,
Scottish civil society has not been sufficiently differentiated from the UK state,
and only political self-government could remove that dependence. Civil society,
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it is claimed, is not nearly so radical as the rhetoric of anti-Thatcherism might
suggest. It may have been quite effective at resisting a reforming Conservative
government, but it has not been notably creative in public policy since the
1960s. Its conservatism might constrain any attempts at radical reform, even by
a democratically elected Scottish parliament.
Such views from the nationalist left strangely echo the critique of Scottish
civil society which came from the Scottish New Right when it was in power.
When he was Secretary of State for Scotland between 1995 and 1997, Michael
Forsyth frequently alleged that the debate about constitutional reform had
been invented by politicians, academics and the media (Forsyth, 1995). The
prominent right-wing journalist Andrew Neil followed this line, but ± unlike
Forsyth ± came to accept pragmatically that a Scottish parliament was
inevitable. As editor-in-chief of The Scotsman newspaper he has a powerful
vehicle in which to carry his assault on civil society into the political debate
when the parliament is set up (Neil, 1998).
Education and civil society
Education is an important part of civil society because it is a powerful influence
on early socialisation. In Scotland, the importance is intensified by the belief
that education has maintained a sense of national identity (Anderson, 1995;
McPherson and Raab, 1988; Paterson, 1999). Teachers have had an iconic role:
the image of the teacher as a political or cultural leader can be found
recurrently in debates about national identity from the eighteenth century until
at least the 1960s. In this respect, even in the absence of a strong nationalist
party until quite recently, Scottish teachers have taken on the mobilising role
which A.D. Smith (1991: 141) has attached to the intelligentsia in general. In
that sense, Scottish education has probably been the segment of Scottish civil
society that has been most differentiated from the UK state ± the segment in
which the dual allegiance to Scotland and Britain has been mostly heavily
weighted towards Scotland.
Education is important politically, furthermore, because learning about
citizenship has been proposed as a means of renewing democracy (Avis,
Bloomer, Esland, Gleeson and Hodkinson, 1996; Hall and Held, 1989;
Kennedy, 1997; Paterson, 1998b). Education, it is believed, should teach
children and adults about the facts of democratic life, about relating to each
other in society, and about being constructively critical of governing
institutions. The importance of this educative role is maintained even by
writers who are somewhat suspicious of civil society: for example, Carr (1991)
argues that education can prepare people for dissent as well as for loyalty. An
autonomous civil society has been associated with education in the writing of
Habermas (1984) and people who have been influenced by him: for example, in
a series of papers and books, Ranson has linked this to the ideas of the learning
society, in which a well informed citizenry is able to engage in public
democratic debate (for example, Ranson, 1994; Stewart and Ranson, 1994).
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Lindsay Paterson
Another way of putting this is that education can be an agent for
differentiating the whole of civil society from the state, either directly through
the critical capacities it develops in students, or indirectly through teachers'
activities in civil society outside education (Paterson, 1998a). The hope of such
writers is then that this new learning society becomes a new, democratic public
realm.
Questions about civil society
These debates about civil society in general and about education in particular
raise questions about the extent to which civil society is in touch with popular
feeling. Are the enthusiasts correct in proposing that civil society is responsive
to the people? Does Scottish civil society truly provide national leadership in
the sense of embodying a national consensus about policy, values, identity and
governing systems? Are the sceptics ignoring its wide popularity when they
claim that civil society is out of touch? And are the nationalist sceptics correct
when they allege that Scottish civil society is a conservative influence on
popular attitudes? More theoretically, does Scottish education have a sufficient
basis in Scottish popular views to be detached from the UK state? The
statistical analysis summarised in this paper offers some partial answers to
these broad questions by looking specifically at:
*
the political views and behaviour of Scottish teachers, their interest in
politics, their views on national identity, and how all these views and that
behaviour relate to each other;
the same set of questions for leading groups among teachers;
*
*
the same for those teachers who are active in civil society beyond
teaching;
*
the same for teachers of social subjects, who would be likely to be most
influential on any curriculum for citizenship.
For each of these topics, three sets of comparisons are made:
*
with the Scottish population generally (to assess whether this section of
civil society is in touch with popular feelings);
with Scottish professional classes generally (to assess whether being a
*
member of this key civic institution might be a better basis for national
leadership than simply being a member of a social group that has high
status);
*
with Scottish professionals who work in the public sector (to assess
whether education might be uniquely differentiated from the UK state
that ± in the era of the welfare state ± ultimately gives it its authority).
More limited comparisons are also made with Scottish MPs elected in 1997, to
detect whether teachers' distance from the state is greater than their distance
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from the general population. (For this purpose, we have to assume that the
central parliament is part of the state and not of civil society, a contention that
is widely although not universally agreed by writers on this subject: see Cohen
and Arato (1992).)
Statistical analysis
The analysis uses survey data from three sources: a survey of Scottish teachers
(
Paterson, 1998a), the 1997 Scottish Election Survey (Brown, McCrone,
Paterson and Surridge, 1999) and the 1996 British Representation Study. The
Appendix contains further details of these, of the variables which were
available for comparison, and of the statistical techniques used.
The first part of the analysis is summarised in Table 1. The general
conclusion is that teachers' political attitudes and behaviour were similar to
those of the general population. Comparing the first and second columns in the
body of the Table, we see they shared the general Scottish tendency to be left-
of-centre on redistribution of wealth (first row of the Table) and on the
existence of inequalities of wealth (second row) and of power (and third row).
The differences between the teachers and the general population are
statistically significant in each of these three cases (at the 1% level), but the
differences are of intensity rather than of direction: thus in each case, the
majority view is the same among teachers as among the general population.
The biggest difference is for inequalities of power (third row), where the
somewhat lower level of agreement among teachers than among the general
population could be due to a belief among teachers that Scotland is
meritocratic, although there is no direct test of this explanation available
from the surveys.1
Teachers were not much more libertarian than the majority, as is shown by
the fourth, fifth and sixth rows. The differences on stiffer sentences and on
young people were statistically significant (at the 1% level), but again the
majorities are the same in each group. That authoritarian tendency among
teachers is found also in research on their attitude to indiscipline, which has
reported that teachers view pupil behaviour as deteriorating in recent years
(
Johnstone and Munn, 1992: 51±2).
Teachers did not merely derive their views from either the salariat in general
or the public-sector salariat, as a comparison with the third and fourth columns
in the body of Table 1 shows. They were closer to the general left-wing Scottish
view on redistribution than the salariat was, but further away on social class
differences in the operation of the law. They were more authoritarian than the
salariat on censorship (and in line with the general population), but more
libertarian on sentencing and on attitudes to young people. On each measure
other than views about social class inequities in the law, teachers were closer to
the public sector salariat than to the salariat in general, but (given the sample
sizes) there was no clear evidence that the views of the public sector salariat
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Lindsay Paterson
Table 1 Political attitudes (percentage left or libertarian)
election survey
teachers
survey
all
salariat
public-sector
salariat
all
69
favour redistribution of
income and wealth
towards ordinary
61
56
58
Ã
working people
ordinary people do not
receive fair shares of
66
70
60
63
Ã
wealth
there is one law for the
rich and one for the poor
censorship is necessary
to uphold moral standards
there should stiffer
57
17
80
18
5
69
22
72
16
14
17
86
Ã
16
11
ÃÃ
sentences for criminals
young people do not
30
11
852
12
ÃÃ
respect traditional values
total sample size
680
205
Ã
ÃÃ
Percentage replying `agree' or `strongly agree'.
Percentage replying `disagree' or `strongly disagree'.
The wording of the questions is summarised in the Appendix, and is reported in full on the CREST
web site. Percentages are calculated excluding respondents who gave no answer.
differed much from those of the general salariat. There is no simple pattern in
this comparison of teachers and the salariat: the point is that teachers seem to
have had a political culture that was distinctively theirs, and was not merely
inherited from the broad social class to which they would be assigned by
sociologists.
Moreover, there was also evidence from the Representation Study that
teachers were closer than MPs to the views of the general population. Whereas,
from Table 1, around two thirds of both teachers and the general population
believed that wealth was unfairly distributed, this view was held by 100% of
MPs. The proportion of MPs believing that young people respect traditional
values was 41%, higher even than among teachers in Table 1. The proportion
of MPs who disagreed with censorship was 39%, twice the proportions among
teachers or among the general population. Only on views about social
inequalities in the operation of the law were MPs closer to popular views than
teachers: 89% believed there were such inequalities, compared to 80% of the
general population and 57% of teachers.
Teachers were more inclined to hold a dual national identity (Scottish and
British) than the population as a whole: see Table 2 (where the difference is
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Table 2 National identity (percentage in columns)
election survey
teachers
survey
all
salariat
public-sector
salariat
all
23
38
27
4
Scottish not British
Scottish more
than British
Equally Scottish
and British
16
50
14
33
13
37
22
2
33
9
30
9
British more than
Scottish
British not Scottish
other
total sample size
3
7
680
4
3
852
8
3
205
6
5
86
The wording of the questions is summarised in the Appendix, and is reported in full on the CREST
web site.
Percentages are calculated excluding respondents who gave no answer.
significant at the 1% level). But the overall pattern was the same: the most
common identity was `Scottish more than British', the next was `Equally
Scottish and British', and the third was `Scottish, not British'. Predominantly
British identity was felt by only small minorities of both teachers and the
general population. In this sense, teachers were more clearly in line with the
general population than with either the salariat as a whole or the public sector
salariat: for example, 66% of teachers and 61% of the general population gave
priority to their Scottishness, in contrast to 47% of the salariat and 50% of the
public sector salariat.
There was little difference between teachers and the general population in
their interest in politics, as Table 3 shows. Over three quarters cared which party
won the election, around one third were interested in political programmes on
the television, slightly fewer were interested in political articles in newspapers,
and over nine out of ten were not members of any political party. Only on the
last of these was the difference between teachers and the general population
significant at the 1% level, but the main point is that the vast majority of both
groups were not in a party. On these topics, wherever there was any difference
between teachers and the salariat, teachers were closer to the general population
than the salariat was, and in some respects a lot closer than the public-sector
salariat. The general impression here, then, is that teachers were not an
untypically politicised segment of society, and may be more socially
representative in this respect than other public-sector professionals.
Teachers were more likely to vote Liberal Democrat than the general
population (significant at the 1% level), but this simply followed the general
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Table 3 Political interest (percentage)
election survey
teachers
survey
all
salariat
public-sector
salariat
all
76
care a lot who won
general election
attention paid to
political items on TV
80
35
77
48
78
51
34
27
(
great deal or quite a bit)
attention paid to
political articles in
newspapers
(great deal or quite
a bit)
31
41
48
member of a party
total sample size
8
680
3
852
7
205
10
86
The wording of the questions is summarised in the Appendix, and is reported in full on the CREST
web site.
Percentages are calculated excluding respondents who gave no answer.
tendency in the salariat, and especially in the public sector salariat: see Table 4.
However, compared to the salariat, teachers were less likely to vote
Conservative and more likely to vote SNP, and were largely in line with the
general population in these respects.
On support for a Scottish parliament, teachers were close to the national
consensus: Table 5. They were slightly less likely to support full independence,
Table 4 Vote (percentage in columns)
election survey
teachers
survey
all
salariat
public-sector
salariat
all
14
52
14
19
2
Conservative
Labour
Liberal Democrat
SNP
15
36
25
22
3
26
33
22
16
3
24
31
27
15
4
other party
total sample size
680
852
205
86
The wording of the questions is summarised in the Appendix, and is reported in full on the CREST
web site.
Percentages are calculated excluding respondents who gave no answer.
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and correspondingly more likely to support home rule, but the differences were
small (even though statistically significant at the 1% level). In the extent of
their support for a parliament, teachers were in line with the popular mood,
and out of line with the salariat as a whole, and even with the public sector
salariat. They were also much closer to the popular mood than MPs, who
almost entirely followed their party lines on this (93 per cent for home rule and
7% for independence in Europe).
However, teachers did differ from the general population in support for
proportional representation (significant at the 1% level; not shown in the
Tables). 69% of teachers favoured it, compared to just 35% of the general
population, 49% of the salariat and 59% of the public sector salariat. In this
respect, teachers were close to the MPs (65% of whom favoured proportional
representation). Teachers were also somewhat more enamoured of the
European Union than the population at large (significant at the 1% level;
not shown in the Tables). Of those declaring a preference, 75% of teachers
thought the EU was good for Scotland, compared to 67% of the general
population, and 57% of the public sector salariat; but even these differences
leave a majority favourable to the EU in each group, and the teachers'
proportion was exactly the same as the salariat's as a whole.
None of the differences reported above between teachers and the general
Scottish population were explicable by the teachers' sample having a distinctive
sex or age structure. For example, it was not because teachers were
predominantly female that they were somewhat less in favour of Scottish
independence than the general population, even though it is in fact the case
that women in general are less in favour of independence than men in general
(
Brown, McCrone and Paterson, 1998: 151±70).
Table 5 Scottish Parliament (percentage in columns)
election survey
teachers
survey
all
salariat
public-sector
salariat
all
independent outwith EU
independent in EU
home rule with tax
powers
2
21
48
8
19
44
5
18
38
4
18
40
home rule without
tax powers
no parliament
10
10
14
17
18
680
18
852
25
205
22
86
total sample size
The wording of the questions is summarised in the Appendix, and is reported in full on the CREST
web site.
Percentages are calculated excluding respondents who gave no answer.
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Moreover, there were only at most small differences between teachers and
the general population (Brown, McCrone, Paterson and Surridge, 1999: 93±
112) in the effects of sex and age on attitudes. Likewise, there were only minor
differences in the effects of political attitudes on vote, or on attitudes to a
Scottish parliament, to proportional representation or to the European Union.
Teachers who were active in civil society beyond education (about one half
of the sample (Paterson, 1998a: 288)) had very similar views to teachers who
were not. Voluntary activity, in other words, did not seem to attract an
untypical minority of teachers.
In contrast to this pattern, there was a tendency for teachers in promoted
posts to be less authoritarian and more interested in political news than teachers
in general. These contrasts could also be found between secondary and primary
teachers, and secondary teachers were also more likely than primary to favour
Scottish independence, to vote SNP, and to feel an exclusively Scottish sense of
identity. Nevertheless, none of these differences between unpromoted and
promoted, or between sectors, was large. For example, the proportions taking
the libertarian position on stiffer sentences for criminals were 12% among
unpromoted teachers, 22% among promoted teachers, 12% in primary schools,
and 19% in secondaries: thus, in each category, a clear majority was sceptical of
libertarian views. Similarly, the proportions favouring independence were 18%
in primaries and 29% in secondaries; in both sectors the modal position was for
a parliament within the UK (64% in primaries and 52% in secondaries).
Teachers of social subjects were much more interested in political news than
other teachers (45% as against 29%), but in all other respects had views that
were widely shared.
Implications
These results are tentative, being based on the secondary analysis of survey
data (as noted in more detail in the Appendix). They require to be followed up
with further surveys, with case studies to explore the relationships between
teachers' views and the views of the communities in which they work, and with
research to assess the general population's attitudes to teachers and the
education system. This analysis of teaching professionals needs to be
complemented by similar studies of other segments of Scottish civil society,
especially in the light of the differences which we have found here between
teachers and Scottish professionals as a whole. These comparative studies
should involve not only professions which, like education, are regarded as
being at the core of Scottish identity (such as the legal system and the
churches), but also those which are not usually thought of in that way (such as
social work or medicine). There also is a need for adequate data to compare the
views of civil society with those of elected politicians.
Nevertheless, none of these points invalidates a comparison, especially since
the purpose has been to indicate broad patterns rather than draw definite
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conclusions. If civil society is able to provide national leadership, then that is
more likely to be on account of its being generally and broadly in tune with
popular feelings, rather than because there is precise agreement on details. The
same is true of any distance between civil society and the state. So, tentative
though the results are, they have implications for three different types of debate
discussed at the beginning of the paper ± for the politics of Scotland with its
new parliament, for the debates about whether civil society can lead projects of
constitutional reform, and for understanding the implications of the precise
character of the differentiation that exists between civil society and the state.
On the first point, the results suggest that this segment of Scottish civil
society is generally close to Scottish society at large, especially in political
attitudes, political interest, attitudes to the Conservative party, and support for
a Scottish parliament. This analysis provides little evidence to support the
claim by Conservative politicians that the issues which concern the leaders of
civil society are systematically of little concern to most people, or that these
social leaders are motivated in different ways in their attitudes to political
matters. The analysis provides little support, either, for the allegation from
writers such as Nairn and Kumar that civil society is conservative and
unimaginative: so far as the dominant constitutional and political issues are
concerned, teachers were not more conservative than the population generally.
Indeed, on some matters, such as attitudes to proportional representation and
to the European Union, teachers were more radical than Scots in general. On
the other hand, a social conservatism was evident: even in views about young
people, teachers shared a general Scottish tendency to be authoritarian.
The surveys therefore also indicate, second, that teachers are probably
sufficiently in touch with Scottish preferences to provide social and political
leadership. The distinctiveness of their views compared to professionals in
general suggests that education continues to be close to the heart of Scottish
life. We have been able to study only one segment of civil society in just one
nation, and so any attempt to generalise must be very cautious indeed. But, on
the basis of our evidence, it would appear that educational professionals are
neither too cautious nor too out of touch with popular feeling to prevent their
leading a programme of popularly supported reform. Thus they have favoured
constitutional reform, but are neither a vanguard nor an irrelevant chattering
class in that regard: in several respects, they share important attitudes with the
population at large.
These first two implications of our analysis are significant for the politics of
reform, in Scotland certainly and probably more widely. But the most
interesting implications for more theoretical debates concern the extent to
which civil society is differentiated from the state. As we noted earlier, claims
that civil society has been absorbed into the state have recurred frequently in
debates about civil society in the twentieth century, and aspirations to
differentiate these two entities have underlain many programmes of radical
democratic reform (Cohen and Arato, 1992; Habermas, 1984). We have looked
at evidence that one particular segment of one civil society holds attitudes
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which suggest that it is somewhat differentiated from the state in which it is
embedded. Scottish school teachers have an allegiance to a national identity
(
Table 2) that is not only different from that officially promulgated by the UK
state, but has been increasingly at odds politically with it (Brown, McCrone
and Paterson, 1998). They have clear views in favour of reforming that state,
and about one quarter want to overthrow it completely (those who favour
Scottish independence: Table 5). And they were strongly alienated from the
political party which dominated the UK state for 18 years until 1997 (Table 4).
Attitudinal differences are only one aspect of a possible differentiation of civil
society from the state. But when they are assembled into ideological differences
±
and, especially, when these in turn inspire a programme of political reform,
as in Scotland ± then they indicate fundamental conflicts over where power
ought to lie. Thus, if we are looking for evidence that civil society is indeed
more differentiated from the state than has sometimes been claimed in the
literature on the welfare state, then perhaps we should look at peripheral
nations such as Scotland where there is dispute about the state to which
allegiance should be given. Regional differentiation of this sort has not usually
been studied by the theorists of civil society.
However, alienation from a particular state does not imply permanent
differentiation from the state as such. This theoretical point brings us back to
the first of the three implications: what happens to Scottish politics when the
new parliament is elected. On the one hand, as instigators of the whole project
of constitutional renewal, civil society might be expected to continue to lend its
authority to the new institution, and to work in harmony with it. That is
certainly the hope of the reformers, who have envisaged a parliament working
by consensus in partnership with civic institutions (Brown, McCrone and
Paterson, 1998, chapter 5; Scottish Office, 1998). If that were to happen, then
the differentiation of Scottish civil society from the UK state which we have
detected would be resolved in the direction of a thorough absorption of that
civil society into the new Scottish state structures that are being created. On the
other hand, civil society is probably more trusted than politicians, even new
ones: it is a well-attested finding in many countries that the professionals with
whom people come into regular contact are more respected than policy makers
who are seen as remote and possibly nefarious (Curtice and Jowell, 1997;
Jowell and Topf, 1988). So there is a potential for conflict, despite the
aspirations towards consensus, and in that case civil society would find itself in
opposition to the new constitutional order just as it was to the old.
This last point illustrates, finally, why the study of places such as Scotland
can help us to understand the significance of current developments in civil
society and the state. It was argued earlier that civil society has been embroiled
in the regionalisation of current state structures in several parts of Europe and
North America. The Scottish case is part of that, and the educational
professionals whom we have looked at are a pre eminent part of that Scottish
experience. Tracking the relationship between the new constitutional order and
these professional harbingers of it will be one of the most significant research
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tasks of the new era. Whether civil society is absorbed into the new structures
of the state, or whether it continues to be differentiated from them, thus is a
matter of no mere theoretical concern: it will help to decide whether the current
regionalisation of state structures leads to a new and stable constitutional
order, or whether it will simply provide many more forums in which alienation
from the state can be expressed, assuaged or intensified.
Appendix
Information on teachers' views comes from a postal survey of teachers' civic
activities that was conducted in March and April 1997. Full details are reported
elsewhere (Paterson, 1998a). The present analysis is restricted to the 680
respondents who were currently teaching in primary or secondary schools in
Scotland.
The second source is the Scottish Election Survey, which covered the general
population between May and July 1997; this was based on a combination of
interviews and a questionnaire which the interviewer left behind for the
respondent to fill in and return by post. Full details are reported elsewhere
(
Brown, McCrone, Paterson and Surridge, 1999; CREST web site). The
analysis uses the 852 respondents who subsequent checks showed were on the
electoral register.
The third source is the British Representation Study, directed by Pippa
Norris and funded by the Nuffield Foundation (following a similar survey in
1
992 (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995)). This was a postal questionnaire survey of
general-election candidates throughout Britain carried out in June and July
996. The completed sample contained 29 MPs who were elected in 1997 for
Scottish constituencies. They consisted of 24 Labour, 4 Liberal Democrat and
SNP. Some comparisons are made in the text between these MPs and the
1
1
other samples, but there were too few MPs to include them in the main
analysis, and all the comparisons with them must be treated cautiously.
Comparable measures from the teachers and election surveys relate to the
following questionnaire items.
national identity `Moreno' scale, running through the categories shown in
Table 2 (Moreno, 1988).
political attitudes the government should redistribute income;
ordinary people do not get their fair share of national
wealth;
there is one law for the rich and one for the poor;
censorship is needed to uphold moral standards;
lawbreakers should get stiffer sentences;
young people do not respect traditional values.
political interest it does not matter who won the 1997 general election;
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Lindsay Paterson
interest in political programmes on television;
interest in political articles in newspapers;
membership of a political party.
party politics and constitutional change
vote in 1997 general election;
whether support a Scottish parliament (and, if so,
whether it should be fully independent);
European Union has been good for Scotland;
whether support proportional representation.
The variables which were available for comparison with the survey of MPs
were: attitudes to the distribution of wealth, to class inequalities in the
operation of the law, to the censorship and to young people; views about a
Scottish parliament; and views about proportional representation.
The methods used for comparing the teachers and election surveys are
standard techniques of multivariate statistical analysis (Aitkin, Anderson,
Francis and Hinde, 1989): levels of statistical significance reported in the text
come from loglinear models comparing the responses in the two samples (using
all the categories of response, not only those summarised in the Tables).
Teachers are compared to the salariat social group in the general
population, which is used here to assess the views of professional workers in
general (Heath, Jowell and Curtice, 1985). There were 205 members of the
salariat in the Election Survey. They are also compared to the 86 salariat
workers in the sample who were employed by organisations in the public
sector.
Like all secondary analysis, this one is methodologically weaker than a
specially designed study. The range of variables on which comparison can be
made is somewhat restricted, because none of the surveys had this analysis as
its main purpose. Some of the question wording differed between the surveys.
The fieldwork dates are not exactly the same, and, in particular, are separated
by the general election itself. The fieldwork methods are different (postal and a
combination of interview and postal). More generally, statistical surveys are
only one way of investigating attitudes, and could be supplemented by more
qualitative methods and by case studies.
University of Edinburgh
Received 16 October 1998
Finally accepted 27 April 1999
Acknowledgements
The research has benefited from the advice of Alice Brown, David McCrone, Pamela Munn and
Paula Surridge. The survey of teachers was financed by Moray House Institute and by the General
Teaching Council. The Election Survey was financed by the ESRC (grant number H552255004),
and directed by the Unit for the Study of Government in Scotland, Edinburgh University, and the
Centre for Research into Elections and Social Trends (CREST), Oxford University. The British
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Representation Study was financed by the Nuffield Foundation and directed by Pippa Norris of
Harvard University in association with Joni Lovenduski of Southampton University and CREST.
Notes
1
I am grateful to Norman Stockman of Aberdeen University for this suggestion concerning
meritocracy.
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