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Women & Health
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Exotic Dancing and Health
Dr. Eleanor Maticka-Tyndale PhD , Jacqueline Lewis PhD , Jocalyn P. Clark MSc , Jennifer
Zubick MA and LLB & Shelley Young MA
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Exotic Dancing and Health
Eleanor Maticka-Tyndale, PhD
Jacqueline Lewis, PhD
Jocalyn P. Clark, MSc
Jennifer Zubick, MA, LLB
Shelley Young, MA
ABSTRACT. The health and safety of women who work as exotic
dancers are firmly embedded within the social organization of the strip
club and the broader social, economic and political context of the work
of exotic dancing. Exotic dancers in this study expressed health con-
cerns associated with: the effects of costuming and appearance require-
ments; dirty work environments; problems due to stigmatization, sexual
harassment and assault; and police disinterest or victim blaming. The
balance between benefits and hazards related to exotic dancing is
influenced not only by the personal choices made by dancers, but also
by the organization of the strip club and the broader context within
which exotic dancing takes place. [Article copies available for a fee from
The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-342-9678. E-mail address:
<
getinfo@haworthpressinc.com> Website: <http://www.HaworthPress.com>]
KEYWORDS. Exotic dancing, women, occupational health, risk, con-
text
Eleanor Maticka-Tyndale and Jacqueline Lewis teach in sociology and criminology
respectively and have been conducting a series of research projects on factors influenc-
ing the health and well-being of women working in sex work occupations. Jocalyn
Clark, Jennifer Zubick and Shelley Young are in various stages of their graduate training
and have worked as research assistants on the sex work projects for several years.
Address correspondence to: Dr. Eleanor Maticka-Tyndale, Department of Sociol-
ogy and Anthropology, University of Windsor, 401 Sunset Avenue, Windsor, Ontar-
io, Canada N9B 3P4.
This research was funded by the National Health Research and Development
Programme, Health Canada grant #6606-5688.
The authors thank the reviewers of this article for their helpful insights and
critiques of an earlier version.
Women & Health, Vol. 31(1) 2000
E 2000 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.
87

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WOMEN & HEALTH
INTRODUCTION
This paper examines occupational health and safety issues associat-
ed with exotic dancing in relation to the social organization of strip
clubs and the broader social, economic, and political context in which
exotic dancing is located. Various aspects of the social organization of
exotic dancing have been the focus of prior academic inquiry (e.g.,
Boles & Garbin, 1974; Chapkis, 1997; Manderson, 1992; Ronai &
Ellis, 1989); however, these have not been examined in relation to
dancers’ health and safety. Similarly, although the relationship be-
tween the context and social organization of other forms of sexual or
erotic labor and the health and safety of workers has been studied (e.g.,
Alexander, Highleyman & La Croix, 1996; Bindman & Doezema,
1997; McKeganey & Barnard, 1996; Overs & Longo, 1997; Whittaker &
Hart, 1996), the research has not been extended to exotic dancers. The
exploratory research presented in this paper begins building the bridge
between these two areas of inquiry by examining how the context of
exotic dancing influences the health and safety of dancers.
In this study, we follow the lead of Wendy Chapkis (1997) in
categorizing exotic dancing with other forms of sexual or erotic labor,
including escort, call girl, phone sex, peep show, and brothel work,
exotic massage, street prostitution, and pornographic modelling and
acting. What is common across all of these forms of labor is the sale of
a service to satisfy a sexual fantasy, produce sexual excitement or
arousal, and/or provide sexual satisfaction to the customer. Sexual
labor takes place within the social and political context of prescribed
sexual and gender roles and the associated distribution of power in
gendered relations. Women’s sexual role is to attract, entice and sexu-
ally arouse men. This is precisely how exotic dancers describe their
work. Women’s gender role, however, prescribes relative passivity,
with active initiation of physical contact ascribed to the male. In
addition, sexual interaction is prescribed, particularly for women, as
private, intimate, monogamous, and non-commercial. Thus, while
women engaged in sexual labor may not be violating the prescribed
female sexual role, they are violating their gender role. This produces
an outcast status, with sex workers stigmatized and labelled as inde-
cent, immoral, or ‘‘bad girls’’ (Cossman, 1997; Goffman, 1963; Phet-
erson, 1993; Schur, 1984). Research on women who work in prostitu-
tion has demonstrated that this characterization is applied not only
on-the-job, but also in the day-to-day lives of prostitute women. As

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
89
outcasts, they are disenfranchised from many of the rights of ‘‘ordi-
nary citizens’’ (e.g., Chapkis, 1997; Davidson, 1995; Jenness, 1990;
Miller, 1993; Overs & Longo, 1997; Pheterson, 1993; Vanwesenbeeck,
de Graaf, van Zessen, Straver, & Visser, 1995) and are commonly
denied protection from the abuse, exploitation, harassment and vio-
lence that occurs at the hands of customers, employers, police and the
public (Bindman & Doezema, 1997).
Women’s sexual labor also takes place within the context of an
economic structure that disadvantages women relative to men. Al-
though the majority of adult women in Canada are in the paid labor
force (Statistics Canada, 1999b), they are concentrated in the lowest
paying jobs and occupational sectors (Nakhaie, 1999) and earn an
average of 63.8% of men’s earnings (Statistics Canada, 1999a). Even
when education, time in the labor force, occupation and other occupa-
tional qualifications are controlled, women still earn 10-20% less than
men (Nakhaie, 1999). For Canadian women 18-24 years of age (the
age at which most women in this study began working as exotic
dancers), 26.6% are living below the poverty line (National Council of
Welfare, 1999). When they are single mothers, this rises to 93.3%
(
National Council of Welfare, 1999). For women who pursue a post-
secondary education, tuition has been rising faster than government
1
loans and bursaries, resulting in most students ending their under-
graduate post-secondary education in debt. Given this economic situa-
tion, the observation by researchers in the United States that prostitu-
tion is often an act of resistance in the face of poverty (Pheterson,
1
993; Scambler, Peswanie, Renton & Scambler, 1990), can probably
be applied in Canada as well.
Social and economic status, together with the social organization of
work, have a demonstrated influence on the health and safety of
women who work in prostitution. The following have been identified
as posing health and safety threats for prostitute women: costuming
and appearance requirements, dirty work environments, night shift
work, stigmatization (Overs & Longo, 1997; Scambler et al. 1990),
harassment and sexual assault (Miller & Swartz 1995; Overs & Lon-
go, 1997; Vanwesenbeeck, de Graaf, van Zessen, Straver, & Visser,
1
995), customers offering extra money for more dangerous and health
compromising sexual practices (Hoigard & Finstad, 1992; McKega-
1
. In Canada, post-secondary education is most typically financed either through
personal or family savings or through government loans. There are few scholarships.

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WOMEN & HEALTH
ney & Barnard, 1996; Overs & Longo, 1997), and police disinterest or
victim blaming (Chapkis, 1997; Davidson, 1995; Jenness, 1990; Mill-
er, 1993; Overs & Longo, 1997; Pheterson, 1993; Scambler et al.,
1
990; Vanwesenbeeck et al., 1995). The coping mechanisms that
women in prostitution develop to deal with their outcast status include
role distancing (Hoigard & Finstad, 1992; O’Connell Davidson, 1995;
Reid, 1994; Pheterson, 1993), occupational secrecy, and reliance, for
some, on alcohol or drugs (Carey & Peterson, 1974; Davis, 1971;
McKeganey & Barnard, 1996). However, while these coping mecha-
nisms may reduce the impact of stigmatization, they may also pose
their own threats to health.
This study expands the work conducted on the occupational health
and safety of prostitution to exotic dancing. It examines health and
safety from the perspective of the social organization of places of
employment and the broader social context of exotic dancing.
METHODS
Data Collection
This exploratory study of female exotic dancers who entertain men
in strip clubs was conducted between June 1995 and February 1998 in
southern Ontario (Canada) using observations in 10 clubs and in-depth
interviews with 30 dancers and 8 club employees. Observations were
conducted by teams of 2 to 4 researchers who spent 2 to 3 hours per
field excursion in each club. During this time they diagrammed the
club layout, observed the work of dancers and other club staff, and the
interactions between dancers and customers. Interviews with dancers
lasted 1 to 4 hours and were conducted in locations of their choice.
Topics included: demographic characteristics, occupational history,
the work of dancers, their work environment, relationships among
co-workers and customers, sexual history, and health concerns. Inter-
views were transcribed verbatim.
Sampling
Bars and dancers were selected using purposive sampling (Strauss &
Corbin, 1990). The goal of purposive sampling is to represent a broad
range of population units in a sample, with minimal replication of unit

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
91
types (in this case dancers and clubs). The sample is continuously
expanded to encompass different types of units and differing charac-
teristics or experiences until saturation has been reached-i.e., until no
new types appear in the sample. This maximization of diversity in a
small sample contributes to developing descriptive and preliminary
relational analyses that take into account a wide range of situations,
experiences and scenarios. In this study, purposive sampling does not,
however, replicate the proportional representation of different types of
dancers or experiences, and therefore does not provide data suitable
for developing proportional representation or inferential testing.
Triangulation is used to insure that results are representative of the
population under consideration, that they are not merely idiosyncratic
of a single individual or setting. In this study, accounts from inter-
views and field observations were triangulated across the diversity of
types of dancers, careers, and settings represented in the sample. Ex-
periences and accounts reported in this paper are those supported by
such triangulated inquiry.
Analysis
There were three stages to the analysis of interview transcripts and
club observations. In the first stage, interview transcripts were read to
extract sections that dealt with health and safety concerns. In the
second stage, information from interviews and observations was used
to place these concerns within the context of specific types of strip
clubs and broader social structures. This process created a template of
health and safety issues related to both local and broader social con-
texts. Finally, dancers were grouped based on differences in demo-
graphic characteristics and career profiles with these overlaid on the
templates to examine whether health concerns or contextual factors
differed based on demographic or career characteristics.
Ethics
This study was judged to comply with ethical guidelines for re-
search with human subjects by the Ethics Committee of the University
of Windsor. The identities of all research participants were protected
by removing names and other personal information from interview
transcripts.

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WOMEN & HEALTH
Profile of Participants
The women in this study represented a broad range of personal and
occupational characteristics and experiences. They ranged in age from
1
8 to 42 years and had danced from less than 1 to 22 years. Their
experience as exotic dancers ranged from dancing in one club to
working internationally. The sample included women who worked in
other occupations both before and in conjunction with dancing (e.g.,
waitressing, bartending, doing clerical work, working in casinos, fit-
ness centres, and factories, or in social service or legal occupations).
All participants had completed at least some high school, with some
holding college diplomas or currently enrolled in college or university
programs. Participants included women who were single, divorced,
married and in self-described long-term relationships. Some dancers
supported only themselves, while others also supported significant oth-
ers or one or more children.
The experiences of two groups of dancers were not represented in
this study because of difficulties gaining access to them for interviews.
These were women brought to Canada from Latin America or Asia
2
specifically for the purpose of working as exotic dancers and women
who danced in bars controlled by motorcycle gangs, commonly re-
ferred to as ‘‘biker bars.’’
RESEARCH RESULTS
The health and safety of the women who participated in this study
were examined from within the context of the organization of strip
clubs and the work of exotic dancing and, more broadly, in terms of
the context in which exotic dancing occurs in Canadian society. All
material presented in this section, unless otherwise referenced, is
based on observations in clubs or interviews with study participants.
Variations in the health and safety concerns of dancers, specific expe-
riences of threats to health and safety, coping strategies used by
dancers, or their relationship to the social organization of clubs were
2
. We use the term ‘‘brought to Canada’’ because these women were in Canada on
work visas that permitted them to enter and remain in the country only if they
continued in the job and with the employer listed on the visa. Their employers were
their guarantors and were required to report any changes in employment to govern-
ment officials.

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
93
not found to be related to differences in the demographic characteris-
tics of the dancers in this study (e.g., age, education, prior work
experience, family or relationship status) or to the length or profile of
a dancer’s career. All dancers in this study began their careers in their
late teens or early twenties and, consequently, the older dancers had
longer careers. These older dancers were able to discuss changes that
had occurred over a period of more than 20 years, including changes
in style and form of dance, and the degree of expected and permitted
nudity and contact with customers. Dancers with shorter careers could
only reflect on the contemporary situation. With this exception, there
were no demographic variations related to diversity of dancing experi-
ence and experiences of specific health and safety threats. For all
women, threats to health and safety were influenced by the place and
status of exotic dancing within the broader social structure; however,
these threats varied based on the form of exotic dancing performed
and expected in a particular club, the physical layout of the club, how
dancers were paid for their work, expectations related to socializing
with customers, a club’s cleanliness, appearance requirements for the
dancers, the degree of protection provided to dancers within the club,
and the constellation of coping strategies used by dancers.
Forms of Dance and Layout of the Club
Three forms of exotic dance were performed in the clubs in this
study: stage dancing, table dancing and lap dancing. Stage dances
included a set of three songs, over the course of which a dancer
sexually titillated customers through movement, removal of clothing,
and use of props. In some clubs customers were permitted to lie on the
stage during performances with money in their mouths. Dancers re-
moved the money using parts of their bodies (e.g., breasts, mouths,
genitalia), integrating this into their performance. All contact between
dancer and customer was in full view of customers and club staff.
Table dances were performed privately for a particular customer.
They took place on the main floor of the club or, in some clubs, in
semi-private or private booths or rooms. Customers paid more for
dances in private rooms because, as dancers reported, they expected
more. While sexual touching is prohibited by Canadian law (see R v.
Mara, 1997), customers did get physically closer to dancers in the
private areas. The dancers we interviewed described getting ‘‘right on

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WOMEN & HEALTH
top of’’ a customer, with parts of their bodies within inches of the
customer’s face or genitals.
Lap dancing has been variously present or absent in strip clubs in
this region since 1991 depending on court rulings, municipal by-laws,
and club policy (Lewis, 1999). In a typical lap dance, the dancer sits
on a man’s lap or between his legs wearing little or no clothing. As one
dancer described it:
the basic lap dance is a dancer grinding her genitals against the
man . . . (and) the man knows he can expect to get off (ejaculate).
Despite legal prohibitions, dancers talked about the physical contact
that can occur between dancer and customer during a lap dance, in-
cluding oral sex and, in some cases, voluntary or forced sexual inter-
course.
Dancers spoke of both having a choice about what type of dance
they would perform and also of being pressured by management,
customers, and the standards set by other dancers, to perform particu-
lar forms of dance. These pressures were most problematic in clubs
that offered lap dancing or that had private areas. In such clubs,
dancers who chose not to lap dance, or not to dance anywhere but in
public areas, reported being pressured to transcend this personal
boundary. The pressure was greatest when other dancers did not set
such boundaries and when management did not support dancers who
made such a choice.
The dominant health risks associated with different forms of dance
were risks associated with sexual assault and sexually transmitted
infection (STI). The degree of risk varied depending on the privacy of
the dance, the physical closeness of the dancer to the customer, and the
expectations of the customer. Risk for both STIs and sexual assault
and coercion were highest in private booths and rooms and in per-
forming lap dances (for a full discussion of STI risk see Maticka-Tyn-
dale et al., 1999). Dancers whose careers began before the introduc-
tion of lap dancing insisted that assaults were more common in all
clubs (whether or not they permitted lap dancing) since the introduc-
tion of lap dancing. They felt that the availability of lap dancing
produced the expectation of physical contact. When this expectation
was not voluntarily met by dancers, some customers coerced or forced
physical contact. As one woman reported:

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
95
I was over top of him dancing, and he pulled me down really fast.
And I just happened to look and there it was (his erect penis was
exposed) . . .
Both assaults and voluntary sexual contact were least common in
clubs where lap dancing was not permitted, where there were no
private areas, or where private areas were monitored effectively and
bouncers came to the assistance of dancers. They were most common
in clubs where lap dancing was permitted, where there were unmoni-
tored private areas, or where it was known that bouncers and monitors
placed the desires of the customer ahead of the safety of the dancer.
While sexual assault was least common in the public areas of clubs,
unwanted verbal harassment and sexual touching was described as
ever present in most clubs. Women spoke of having their breasts and
genitals touched, and of men ‘‘poking’’ fingers inside them or licking
various parts of their bodies, including their genitals.
It was like (you’re) a cow, as if you’re mechanical. They just
assumed that they could do things. And when you bend over,
they could poke their fingers up you.
The regularity of such touching made it ‘‘just a part of the job’’ for
some women. As the following quotation illustrates, however, others
saw it as a personal violation that was not part of the job of exotic
dancing:
We put up with a lot in here. A lot of horrible comments and guys
trying to grab you and offering you money to go to meet them at
their hotel . . . A lot of girls can just blow it off. . . . I take it very
personally. I have a hard time just saying, ‘‘nah, I’m not gonna
worry about it.’’ It really gets to me.
The experience of unwanted sexual contact and assault, as well as the
persistent pressure from customers, jeopardized the emotional as well
as the physical health of some dancers. Nightmares, uncontrollable
crying before going to work, crying and rage to the point of being
unable to continue working when they were touched or assaulted, and
not wanting to be touched by significant others after work, and diffi-
culties forming and maintaining relationships with men, were some of
the symptoms of psychological distress reported by dancers in this
study (see Lewis, 1998).

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WOMEN & HEALTH
Emotional Labor
Exotic dancing involves both physical and emotional labor (Hoch-
schild, 1983). According to Hochschild (1983:7) emotional labor re-
quires one ‘‘to induce or suppress feeling in order to sustain the out-
ward countenance that produces the proper state of mind in others.’’
This form of labor came into play for exotic dancers when they were
socializing with customers, trying to get or keep them interested in the
services provided at the club. It typically involved catering to the
fantasies and egos of customers.
.
. . you’ll play any role the guy asks you. Like, ‘‘Do you like five
people to have sex? Girls and guys? . . . Oh ya, it’s great.’’ If
that’s what’s going to turn him on, get you money, you’re going
to say it.
Boles and Garbin (1974) described this form of emotional labor as
counterfeit intimacy. Dancers consistently said that it was skill at
counterfeit intimacy that produced the highest tips, regular customers,
and, at times, expensive gifts and favors (e.g., jewellery, cars, trips,
apartments, fur coats, clothing). It can also, however, pose a danger to
the safety of a dancer. One of the potentially dangerous encounters
described by dancers involved a customer hand-cuffing a dancer and
removing her from the club to his van. This situation occurred in
response to the dancer ‘‘playing up to’’ the customer by saying that
she fantasized about being hand-cuffed and abducted. Though this
incident ended without physical harm to the dancer, the women we
interviewed told of other situations where customers carried ‘‘in club’’
fantasies outside the club to stalk, harass, or assault dancers.
Beyond the physical dangers associated with counterfeit intimacy,
there were also the risks to emotional health and well-being tied to
engaging in this form of emotional labor on a regular basis. Hoch-
schild (1983) describes these consequences as a dulling of personal
feelings, a sense of loss of self, loss of sexual desire and high rates of
burnout. These were all reported by the women we interviewed and
are illustrated in the following:
(
I would) be driving along on a beautiful sunny day . . . who the
hell wanted to go into this dingy bar and let some old fart paw all
over you and try and grab you and lick your boobs and stuff like

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
97
that. It just got to the point where I was getting so depressed. I
would hit the highway (heading to work), start crying, turn
around, and go all the way home.
Earning an Income
Both the method by which dancers earn their income and the poten-
tial wages that can be earned contributed to the threats to health and
safety. The dancers we interviewed described the potential income
earned in exotic dancing as higher than what was available in other
jobs they might hold. ‘‘Feature’’ dancers were at the top of the income
hierarchy. They travelled between clubs and were paid a set fee of
several thousand dollars a week for specialty stage performances. One
feature, who regularly danced for four months of each year, was able
to pay the mortgage on a suburban home and purchase a new car every
two years based on these earnings. In most clubs, features performed
exclusively on the stage and earned most of their income from fees
paid by club owners. They had limited interaction with customers and
consequently were not exposed to the same degree of threat from
assault or STIs as other dancers. Most other dancers were paid little or
nothing by the clubs in which they danced. Many clubs, rather than
paying dancers, required them to pay the club a fee ($10-$20/shift) in
order to dance there. As a result, income came primarily or exclusively
from direct payments from customers in the form of fees charged for
particular types of private dances (ranging from $5-$20/dance) and
tips. Tips varied depending on the type of dance, the degree of physi-
cal contact, the skill and ability of the dancer in catering to the emo-
tional and interactional wishes of the customer, and the economic
status of the club’s clientele. Dancers estimated that they could earn
$
200-$600 in a ‘‘good night,’’ while, on a ‘‘bad night’’ they were
lucky if they covered their club fees.
Dancers spoke of their actual and potential earnings in terms of both
empowerment and entrapment. Young mothers found it empowering
to be able to work a limited number of hours and earn enough money
to comfortably support their children. Students were empowered by
the possibility of graduating debt-free. Those who earned top dollars
relished their independence and ability to purchase luxury items.
However, dancers also spoke of the money they earned as trapping
them in exotic dancing since they could not anticipate earning as much
in other jobs.

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WOMEN & HEALTH
The income of both dancers and club owners was dependent on the
money spent by customers. Dependence on tips from customers meant
dancers had to cater to the fantasies and desires of customers in order
to maximize their income. Dancers were regularly faced with balanc-
ing what they had set as personal standards and boundaries for interac-
tion with customers against the offers of high tips and expensive gifts
to comply with a customer’s request. Dancers could ‘‘play’’ to the
fantasies and to the emotional and sexual needs of customers through
conversation or performance (counterfeit intimacy), or could cater to
the sexual needs of customers through sexual contact. The risks to
health and safety differed depending on how dancers interacted with
their customers.
Dancers’ risks were also associated with the dependence of club
owners and managers on customer spending. Dancers and other club
employees reported that some owners and managers were reluctant to
anger or turn away a high spending, regular customer, regardless of
what he demanded of dancers, leaving dancers without the protection
or back-up they needed to resist pressure or to avoid or stop unwanted
touching and assaults.
Ubiquity of Stigmatization
Bindman and Doezema (1997) and Pheterson (1993) observed that
once a woman engages in sexual labor, she is treated as a sex worker
in all aspects of her life. Dancers experienced this when sexual harass-
ment and assault followed them outside the clubs. One dancer reported
being sexually assaulted in a dark hallway outside the main area of the
bar where she was employed. Others reported being followed home by
customers. For one part-time dancer, an employer at another job ex-
pected sexual favors when he discovered she was a dancer. Another
woman reported that her landlord assumed she would ‘‘fuck his
friends’’ because she worked as an exotic dancer. When stalking or
sexual assaults were reported to police they were usually not investi-
gated. The women were told, ‘‘What do you expect, you’re a dancer?’’
Some dancers who fought their attackers were themselves arrested and
charged and, in one case, run out of town as a ‘‘trouble-maker.’’ The
stigmatization and outcast status of exotic dancers was not something
they could leave at work, it followed them everywhere.

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
99
Cleanliness
Besides health and safety risks associated with customer contact,
dancers also described problems associated with the work setting. All
dancers, regardless of the type of dancing they performed or the kind
of contact they had with customers, expressed concern about the gen-
eral lack of cleanliness in the clubs. Dancers performed nude or semi-
nude, with their bodies in direct contact with a variety of surfaces such
as the stage floor, stage poles, props, customers’ clothing and club
furnishings. Blankets and towels were often used to maintain a barrier
between nude bodies and other surfaces. Such measures, however,
were unable to prevent all health problems, particularly since manage-
ment only minimally contributed to keeping work areas, dressing
rooms, and the toilet facilities used by dancers clean. Lack of cleanli-
ness in these areas was a complaint made by women working in all
types of clubs, regardless of club size, the economic status of the
clientele, or the prices charged. Skin irritations and blemishes, attrib-
uted to contact with unclean surfaces, or with residue from cleaning
solutions used on the floor, stage poles and furnishings, were com-
mon. Beyond general cleanliness, women specifically expressed con-
cern about vaginal secretions or ejaculate left on surfaces that came in
contact with their genitalia and queried whether these could be con-
duits for STIs in the same way that ‘‘sex toys’’ and ‘‘props’’ are cited
as conduits of infection in safer sex guidelines.
Appearance Requirements
Other health concerns were related to the emphasis placed on a
particular kind of appearance in the exotic dancing industry. The clubs
with the highest tipping customers made the greatest demands on
dancers to maintain a youthful, large breasted, slender, tanned, ‘‘sexy’’
appearance. As a result, dancers often reported feeling they needed to
diet, work out (a potential health benefit), and to have a perpetual, full
body tan. Some dancers who aspired to earn a high income, also felt
that breast implants were a necessity. Others rejected surgical alter-
ation, saying ‘‘no job is worth that.’’ Excessive dieting supplemented
by weight-loss medication, tanning and breast implants can have nega-
tive health consequences. The poor nutrition associated with descrip-
tions of dieting has long term consequences for overall health. Tan-
ning, even when using ‘‘tanning beds,’’ increases the possibility of

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WOMEN & HEALTH
skin cancer (Brown, 1998). Breast augmentation carries the general
risks associated with surgical procedures, as well as risks specifically
associated with the implants themselves (one dancer in this study
required repeat surgery to replace leaking implants) or musculo-skele-
tal problems that can result from excessively large breasts (Ericsson,
1
998). The four-inch high heels that are a required part of costuming
produced complaints of sprained and strained muscles, ‘‘bad knees
and ankles,’’ back pain, and vulnerability to falls. Research has also
identified longer term risks of forefoot abnormalities and arthritis
resulting from regularly wearing such shoes (Coughlin, 1998; Nursing
Times, 1998).
Hours of Work and Schedules
One aspect of the organization of the work of exotic dancing that
was mentioned as an important benefit to health and well-being was
the ability of most dancers to set their own work schedule. Many of
the women we interviewed reported that they chose to work freelance,
despite the uncertainty of whether they would be able to dance at the
time and club of their choice, since this gave them the freedom to
choose when, how long, and where they worked. However, even the
women who worked ‘‘on schedule’’ indicated that, although they did
not have as much freedom over when and how long they worked as
did the freelance dancers, they could usually select their shifts and
days, since club owners were generally agreeable to scheduling them
based on their own needs and preferences. This was especially appre-
ciated by mothers of young children or by students who could set their
work schedule based on the needs of their children or their courses.
Both groups felt this appreciably reduced the stress associated with
being in the labor force and compared their own experiences with
those of friends or neighbors who worked fixed schedules and had
difficulty providing child care or meeting the demands of their school-
work. However, while dancers could set the frequency and hours of
their work, they also felt an economic pressure to work at the times
when higher tipping customers were in the clubs.
Strategies and Consequences
Dancers used a variety of strategies to maximize their personal
control, health, and safety. For example, dancers maximized their

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
101
physical safety by maintaining a constant state of watchfulness. Wall
mirrors in the public areas of clubs helped the women in our study
watch customers for signs of potential touching or assault, while the
general absence of such mirrors in the private areas contributed to
dancers’ vulnerability in these locations.
Other strategies, including secrecy, role distancing, and substance
use, were used to avoid or minimize stigmatization. Many women hid
their occupation from others, especially family and close friends.
While secrecy decreased stigmatization, it placed dancers in a perpetu-
al state of anxiety and fear that they would be discovered, making it
difficult to fully participate in either their non-dancing world or to
establish social and supportive networks within the strip club. Such
concerns also prohibited them from organizing with other dancers to
improve their work conditions.
Role distancing enabled dancers to separate the ‘‘real me’’ from the
‘
‘dancer me’’ both in their interactions with others and in their self
perceptions.
I’m playing a role. I work under an assumed name. Having the
disguise helps. So I’m just kind of acting another person’s life
when I’m there and that way I can detach myself from the job.
Maintaining a different and separate ‘‘dancer me’’ helped some
dancers maintain a sense of personal worth and well-being in the face
of stigmatization. However, the dissonance produced by such a divi-
sion of self also had a negative impact on some dancers’ mental
health. As one woman noted, ‘‘it makes you feel like you’re losing
your mind.’’ Another said:
I turn into a totally different personality. . . . And it’s getting to
the point that it’s really hard to find Jane again. I’m becoming
this other person completely.
Although most dancers rejected the validity of the dancer stigma, there
were a few who adopted the cultural view that dancing was ‘‘inap-
propriate,’’ ‘‘immoral’’ or ‘‘against God.’’ The dissonance that these
women experienced between their beliefs and their actions accentu-
ated the impact of the stigma on them.
Dancers also used alcohol and, less often, other substances to dull
the reality of the stigma and also to make it possible to ‘‘put up with’’

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WOMEN & HEALTH
the harassment and assault in the strip clubs. All of the women we
interviewed reported relying on alcohol to ‘‘get up there’’ the first time
they performed as an exotic dancer.
My first dance, I shot back three tequilas . . . I couldn’t have done
it otherwise. When I first started I drank like a fish, I was drunk
every day.
Some dancers continued to be dependent on alcohol throughout their
dancing career. Drinking was described as making it possible to ‘‘deal
with (their) nerves’’ or the feeling that what they did was ‘‘unnatural,’’
to ‘‘deal with the pain,’’ to ‘‘loosen up,’’ ‘‘get that buzz’’ or ‘‘high’’
that made it possible to get through the shift, ‘‘to pretend to be inter-
ested in customers,’’ to ‘‘bring out the other character,’’ the ‘‘persona’’
of the dancer, to escape problems and stresses in personal lives, or
relieve boredom on the job. Over time, a high tolerance for, and even
dependence on, alcohol could be developed. One woman, for exam-
ple, reported that she regularly consumed between 5 and 19 drinks
each evening shift. For some women, marijuana or, less often, cocaine
were used instead of, or in addition to, alcohol.
It is important to recognize that not all dancers responded to the
stigmatization associated with exotic dancing by separating their work
from their lives and identities outside work, or by dulling their feelings
with alcohol or drugs. Some women established a sense of self-worth
based on their ability to set and maintain personal boundaries in the
face of daily economic and interpersonal pressure to go beyond them.
These women often did not feel a need to hide their work from friends
or family. They had positive relationships with co-workers and with
some regular customers, whom they felt respected them ‘‘as people.’’
They rarely used drugs and stopped consuming alcohol early in their
dancing careers. The common sentiment expressed by these women
was that alcohol and drugs would compromise their safety by prevent-
ing them from remaining ‘‘on guard,’’ ‘‘alert,’’ or ‘‘in control,’’ or it
made them more susceptible to injury as a result of losing their bal-
ance.
I mean your inhibitions are down and you do tend to get closer
and you do tend to put up with more . . . provided you’re having
a good buzz. And . . . that scares me.

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
103
Regardless of the clubs in which they worked, the number of years
they had been dancing, or the economic pressures in their lives, these
women minimized the threats to health and well-being associated with
a dancing career through their own actions and choices.
Life After Dancing
Regardless of their age or career length, none of the women we
interviewed saw exotic dancing as a long term career. They referred to
it as an occupation of the young, agile and beautiful. Women in their
thirties discussed their concerns about what they would do once they
could no longer dance. Though exotic dancing brought a high income,
few had accumulated savings or capital. The ubiquity of the stigma of
being an exotic dancer worked against women’s attempts to establish
credibility in their communities or when they applied for other jobs.
Women spoke of getting trapped in the social world and careers of
sexual and erotic labor and often knew of others who had moved from
dancing to other forms of sex work. Some dancers themselves worked
in other sex work occupations, most typically as escorts. Those who
were students insisted they would stop dancing as soon as they had
their degree; however, many also wondered if they would be able to
‘
‘give up’’ the high income. Those who were not students worried
about what they could put on their resumes and the kind of references
they could get. The economic structure of dancing and strip clubs left
few dancers with access to sick leave, employment insurance, work-
er’s compensation, pensions (other than the basic government pen-
sions available to all citizens), bank loans, or mortgages, all of which
require proof of employment and income.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Exotic dancing is a job held primarily by women whose prospects
for economic well-being outside exotic dancing are limited. The eco-
nomic rewards and the autonomy of the dancer to determine her work
schedule make dancing an occupation that minimizes some of the
stresses associated with being in the labor force, particularly for those
women with the dual responsibility of child care and employment, or
who are in school (Health Canada, 1997). However, the organization

1
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WOMEN & HEALTH
of strip clubs and the exotic dancing industry, together with the social,
economic and political context of exotic dancing, can produce nega-
tive health effects for dancers. Such negative health effects result not
only from the physical conditions of their work place and job require-
ments, but also from the stigmatization, harassment, and assault asso-
ciated with the job, and from some of the strategies that dancers use to
cope with the negative aspects of their job.
The threats to the health of women participating in this study were
both immediate and long term. The immediate health problems re-
ported by dancers included: elevated risks from STIs; symptomatolo-
gy reflecting extreme psychological distress; alcohol and drug addic-
tion; skin disorders; chronic back and leg pains; and the health and
safety effects of sexual assault. The longer-term health problems that
could threaten dancers in the future included: arthritis and forefoot
abnormalities associated with the shoes they wore (Coughlin 1998;
Nursing Times 1998); skin cancer related to tanning (Brown 1998);
immune and other disorders associated with leaky breast implants
(
Ericsson 1998); and the potential recurring and long term conse-
quences of extreme psychological distress. Comparing these findings
with the literature on health and safety issues for women working as
street prostitutes reveals that exotic dancers experience most of the
same health threats as street prostitutes; however, the frequency and
severity of these threats is greater in street prostitution. Consequently,
exotic dancing is a safer occupation than prostitution.
Some of the threats to health and safety experienced by exotic
dancers are also experienced by women in other types of occupations
(Bindman & Doezema, 1997). For example, the psychological strains
caused by emotional labor are experienced by women in a wide vari-
ety of personal service occupations (see Hochschild, 1983). The night-
mares, uncontrollable crying and rage, use of alcohol and drugs to
numb feelings, and difficulty forming relationships with or trusting
men, are reported by women subject to sexual harassment or assault,
regardless of their occupation (Crull, 1984; Doyal, 1995; Health Canada,
1
997; Hochschild, 1983; Kinnon & Harvey, 1996).
The balance between the negative and positive health consequences
of dancing varied among the dancers we interviewed. These variations
were not related to demographic characteristics such as age, education,
relationship or family status, or length of dancing career. Instead they
related to variations in the social organization of the strip clubs where

Maticka-Tyndale et al.
105
women danced and how women responded to the immediate threats to
their health and safety and to the general stigmatization of exotic
dancing. Health and safety threats were minimized in clubs where
management listened to dancers’ concerns and provided a relatively
supportive environment. In these clubs, dancers had management sup-
port for whatever choices and limits they set with respect to the type of
dance they would perform or the contact they would have with cus-
tomers. Threats of assault were lowest in clubs where there were no
private booths or rooms, with all dancing in full public view and with
wall mirrors facilitating the watchfulness of dancers. When clubs had
booths, dancers were safest when they were monitored and bouncers
were readily available to assist dancers with difficult customers.
In contrast to these safer work environments, the social structure of
other clubs made dancers more vulnerable to threats to their safety and
well-being. In these clubs there was little support for dancers. Some-
times club owners themselves expected sexual favors from dancers.
Bouncers in some clubs were more likely to protect customers from
angry dancers than to protect dancers from physically and sexually
aggressive customers. Clubs that ‘‘expected’’ dancers to perform lap
dances, in effect removed dancers’ rights to decide their own personal
limits and boundaries and to act to protect their own safety. In addi-
tion, clubs with unmonitored private rooms provided places where it
was easy to assault dancers.
Health and safety relate both to the conditions of work and a
dancer’s response to those conditions. Health and safety were maxi-
mized for women who refused to allow the stigma of their occupation
to define their lives, who set and were able to enforce personal bound-
aries related to interactions with customers, who did not become de-
pendent on alcohol or drugs, and who made and carried out plans for
money and career management. Women with these characteristics
often described dancing as enhancing their self esteem and sense of
personal control and agency. They felt the physical and emotional
demands of the job, and the harassment from customers were out-
weighed by their personal and economic gains.
Threats to health and safety were greatest for women who became
immersed in what they referred to as a strip club lifestyle and spent
much of their personal and social lives drinking and ‘‘partying’’ with
customers and staff. The persona of these women became that of
exotic dancers and they saw few alternatives for their lives-occupa-

1
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WOMEN & HEALTH
tional or personal-outside the strip clubs. They often spoke of feeling
trapped. For some, drugs, alcohol and a compulsion to maximize their
earnings, ignoring personal risks, dominated their lives.
From this research, it is evident that the health and safety of women
who work as exotic dancers are related to personal choices and are
also firmly embedded within the social organization of the strip club
and the broader social, economic and political context of the work.
Gender politicizes the social and economic realities of women’s lives,
including the lives of exotic dancer. Exotic dancing violates women’s
prescribed gender roles. As a result, dancers are labelled as ‘‘bad
girls’’ and are not afforded the same rights as ‘‘good girls’’ in society
(
Cossman, 1997; Schur 1984). It is this social disenfranchisement of
exotic dancers that heightens risks to health and safety. When women
challenge and resist these role prescriptions and when employers (strip
club owners) provide a suitable work environment, the benefits of
exotic dancing can begin to outweigh the costs.
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